Focus on six structural factors: population growth, climate change, desertification, water scarcity, food security, urbanisation and pollution Review of environmental degradation as a cause of conflict and of conflict prevention as a new task of security policy Dialogue between academia and policy makers in international organisations as well as governmental and nongovernmental institutions In this volume security specialists, peace researchers, environmental scholars, demographers as well as climate, desertification, water, food and urbanisation specialists from the Middle East and North Africa, Europe and North America review security and conflict prevention in the Mediterranean. They also analyse NATO¿s Mediterranean security dialogue and offer conceptualisations on security and perceptions of security challenges as seen in North and South. The latter half of the book analyses environmental security and conflicts in the Mediterranean and environmental consequences of World War II, the Gulf War, the Balkan wars and the Middle East conflict. It also examines factors of global environmental change: population growth, climate change, desertification, water scarcity, food and urbanisation issues as well as natural disasters. Furthermore, it draws conceptual conclusions for a fourth phase of research on human and environmental security and peace as well as policy conclusions for cooperation and partnership in the Mediterranean in the 21st century.

Since the end of the Cold War peacebuilding and conflict prevention became an important part of the international agenda in the processes of achieving peace. Nowadays there is an acknowledgment that civil society is an important actor that shares responsibility with the state, international actors, and contributes to rebuilding of states and societies after violent conflicts. However, there is a lack of contemporary research on the role and involvement of civil society in conflict prevention. This abductive study is addressing a problem of the undiscovered potential of civil society’s role in conflict prevention.  The objective of the study is to contribute to a discussion on the importance of inclusion of civil society actors in peacebuilding and conflict prevention by investigating the contribution of local NGOs to sustainable peace in Ukraine. The Southern region of Ukraine serves as a case study in which primary data was gathered through qualitative semi-structured interviews with NGOs and donor representatives. The research objectives are reached through the analysis of the activities of local NGOs by applying an analytical framework for peacebuilding functions by Paffenholz and Spurk and then by interpreting the functions through a conflict prevention concept, using a toolbox for conflict prevention actions developed by SIPRI. The results of the study based on the case of the Southern region of Ukraine demonstrate that the functions of civil society in peacebuilding, as outlined by the analytical framework, may not just be applied to the post-conflict stage of peacebuilding. In fact, they may be applied during different cycles of the conflict as part of the conflict prevention set of actions.  Local NGOs are contributing to conflict prevention and performing all seven peacebuilding functions as defined in the analytical framework. However, the main challenge is that these NGOs do not completely realize their role in peacebuilding and conflict prevention due to limited capacities and knowledge. That leads back to the problem of the undiscovered potential of civil society in conflict prevention. One possible solution, resulting from the suggestions of this study’s respondents, is the need for development of local knowledge and expertise in order to make the peace process sustainable.

Es wird zunehmend deutlich, dass weder eine einzelne wissenschaftliche Disziplin noch ein einzelnes Forschungsinstitut Lösungen für globale Probleme zu finden vermag; das Ergebnis ist ein Wandel hin zu vernetzten, globalen Forschungsansätzen, der mit einem Anstieg von Verbundprojekten mit inter- und transdisziplinärem Ansatz einhergeht. Obschon ein Bewusstsein für die schwierige Aufgabe besteht, institutionelle Strukturen so zu gestalten, dass sie sich förderlich auf die Zusammenarbeit auswirken, wird der praktischen Umsetzung kaum Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Doch diese ist insbesondere bei Forschungsverbünden zur nachhaltigen Entwicklung von entscheidender Bedeutung, da sie mit ihrer komplexen organisatorischen Struktur – mit Beteiligten unterschiedlicher Nationalität und aus verschiedenen Institutionen und Disziplinen – ausgesprochen anfällig für Konflikte sind. Um destruktiven und das Projekt gefährdenden Konflikten vorzubeugen, werden neben Studien zur effektiven Teamarbeit auch Instrumente benötigt, die die Zusammenarbeit und den Erfolg des Projektes fördern. Nur wenn Projekte effektiv funktionieren, können sie Lösungen für große gesellschaftliche Herausforderungen finden. Die vorliegende Dissertation verfolgt das Ziel, zur praktischen Funktionsfähigkeit transdisziplinärer Forschungsprojekte beizutragen, indem sie die Konzeption und die Wirksamkeit von Konfliktmanagement-Systemen in derartigen Forschungsprojekten untersucht. Als Fallbeispiel dient ein transdisziplinäres Forschungsprojekt zur Ernährungssicherheit, das exemplarisch für die Komplexität von Verbundprojekten steht. Die vorliegende Dissertation soll nicht nur dazu beitragen, die Wissenslücke über die Funktionsweise transdisziplinärer Forschungsprojekte zu schließen, sondern zudem einen Beitrag zur Forschung zu Konfliktmanagement-Systemen leisten, indem solch ein System in eine weitere Organisationsstruktur übertragen wird. / Recognizing that no single discipline or institute alone can find solutions to global challenges, a shift toward interconnected and global research approaches is occurring, thus increasing the number of collaborative research initiatives applying inter- and trans-disciplinary approaches. This is mirrored not just in the global development agenda (Agenda 2030) but also in the funding policies of national and international public funding bodies. While there is awareness for the grand challenges and institutional structures facilitating joint action, little attention is given to the operational details. However, this is essential, as research collaborations in sustainable development are complex organizational settings prone to conflict, made up of diverse members from multiple countries, institutions, and disciplines. To prevent destructive conflict, including complete project failure, research on collaborative team work, as well as tools to facilitate collaboration and project success, is needed. Effectively functioning projects can find solutions to grand societal challenges. Thus, the objective of this dissertation is to facilitate the operational functioning of transdisciplinary research projects by analyzing the design and effects of a conflict management system in such a research environment. Because it exemplifies the complexity of collaborative research projects, a transdisciplinary research project on food security serves as the case study. This dissertation not only helps close the knowledge gap on how transdisciplinary research projects operate, but it also advances research on conflict management systems by transferring the approach to a new type of organization.

The dissertation is devoted to the notion of preventive diplomacy. In the first part, various theoretical approaches to the term are discussed, especially regarding the position of preventive diplomacy in the cycle of conflict, and its instruments. A brief overview of regional arrangements and their role in preventive diplomacy is provided, too, since the second main part of the work focuses on the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and its proclaimed intention to introduce preventive diplomacy in the region. Nonetheless, as the study shows, the ARF participants have not yet resorted to the development of preventive diplomacy. The objective of the dissertation is twofold: besides providing a synthesis and systemization of theoretical approaches to preventive diplomacy, it aims to identify the main obstacles hindering the ARF to implement effective measures of preventive diplomacy. In this respect, it is argued that it is both the set of norms also known as ASEAN Way and the Chinese negative stance that constitute the major reason of ARF's inability to proceed to the stage of preventive diplomacy.

This thesis used case study research methods to examine the role played by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and the methods they use to increase public participation in environmental matters. It does this by investigating the process leading up to and following a Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) decision, that of MiningWatch Canada v. Canada (Fisheries and Oceans) (2010 SCC 2). Specifically, the strategies and methods used by NGOs in this study and their impact on public participation during and in the aftermath of the decision are examined. The primary research question is: what is the impact of NGOs on participatory politics as seen in the SCC decision, MiningWatch Canada v. Canada? Other research questions examined are: what role have NGOs had in increasing participation in environmental decision-making, and: how do NGOs increase public participation in environmental decision-making? Three main groups of strategies are used by the NGOs: “Legal”, “Challenge or Inform Government”, and “Creating an Emotional Response in an Audience.” Strategies common to all NGOs in this study were: “Increase Knowledge” by “Networking,” “Working with Communities at a Grass Roots Level” and “Publications and Reports”. The argument this thesis presents is that democracy is a dynamic process and various strategies can be used to influence participation in environmental decision-making. Specifically, groups of citizens can form in response to an issue, raise public awareness and encourage legislation and policy changes in the search for social progress; in this case, increase public participation in matters involving the environment. / Graduate / 0398 / 0617 / 0630 / kirstye99@gmail.com

Le rapprochement entre dégradation environnementale et défis de sécurité s’est effectué très progressivement, même si de nombreuses divergences subsistent, en particulier sur les causes et enjeux sous-jacents de ce rapprochement. Les effets de plus en plus notables du changement climatique dans nos sociétés ont, pourtant, indirectement permis à ces questions d’opérer une percée dans l’agenda politique international. L’Union européenne, elle-même née d’un exercice réussi de prévention des conflits et leader de la protection internationale de l’environnement est-elle en mesure de contribuer à cet objectif ? Au-delà de l’urgence écologique, la sécurité environnementale porte en son sein des éléments qui pourraient en faire l’un des moteurs de la politique étrangère de l’Union européenne en contribuant à une meilleure appréhension des causes profondes et multiples des conflits, pouvant à la fois soutenir la stabilité internationale et renforcer le rôle de l’UE en tant qu’acteur global. / The link between environmental problems and risks to security is progressively gaining ground, even though diverging opinions still prevail as to the exact nature and challenges of this interaction. The increasingly visible impacts of climate change have indirectly strengthened the prominence of this issue on the international agenda. Can the European Union, born itself from a successful approach to conflict prevention and international leader for environmental protection contribute to this aim ? Beyond the immediate urgency of environmental problems, environmental security carries several elements which could turn it into a driving force for the European Union's foreign policy by an improved understanding of the actual roots and multifaceted nature of numerous conflicts. This would allow the EU to support global stability and to strengthen its role on the international scene.

Le siècle actuel est un siècle axé sur la protection des êtres humains contre les périls imminents qui menacent leur existence et que sont, pour n’en citer que quelques uns, la pauvreté, la maladie et la faim. Aussi, face à l’explosion des conflits internes, les débats sur la sécurité ont beaucoup évolué ces dernières années et ont conduit à la reconnaissance et à l’affirmation de la sécurité humaine en droit international. Cette situation aura une certaine incidence sur le système international et les débats sur la prévention des conflits du début du millénaire. Organisation politique et culturelle, la Francophonie intègre cette nouvelle conception de la sécurité dans ses actions de prévention structurelle des conflits dont le but est d’agir sur les causes profondes des conflits en travaillant principalement à l’édification d’un État de droit au service des populations civiles. L’espace francophone africain est particulièrement concerné par cette conflictualité politique extrêmement violente, ce qui justifie la légitimité de l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie dans ce domaine. Pour autant, peut-elle être un acteur novateur de la prévention devant la multitude d’acteurs qui multiplient les interventions sur le continent et disposent de plus de moyens d’actions ? A-t-elle la capacité de rassembler l’ensemble de ses États membres sur des sujets d’intérêt commun et particulièrement, sur la prévention ? Ses programmes sont-ils un simple accompagnement des programmes internationaux, ou un complément utile et pertinent ? Autant de questions auxquelles nous tenterons d’apporter des réponses tout au long de cette recherche. / The current century is a century of protecting human beings against the imminent perils threatening their existence, and to mention but a few, proverty, disease and hunger. Also, faced with the explosion of internal conflicts, debates on security have evolved considerably these last years leading to the recognition and affirmation of human security in international law. This situation will have some impact on the international system and debates on conflict prevention at the turn of the millenium. As a political and cultural organization, La Francophonie integrates this new conception of security into its structural conflict prevention actions, the purpose of which is to act on the root causes of conflict by working primarily to build the rule of law in the service of civilian populations. The African Francophone area is particularly concerned by this extremely violent political conflict, which justifies the legitimacy of the International Organization of La Francophonie in this area. However, can it be an innovative actor of prevention in front of the multitude of actors who multiply the interventions on the continent and have more means of actions ? Does it have the capacity to bring together all of its Member States on topics of common interest and particularly on prevention? Are it's programs a simple accompaniment of international programs, or a useful and relevant complement? So many questions that we will try to provide answers throughout this research.

The purpose of the thesis is to see how operational prevention has been carried out in cases of internal conflicts in the last five to six years in order to see whether it has been ineffective just due to lack of political will or if there could be other explanations to it. To fulfil the purpose, two main questions are answered in two steps. The first question is: What other factors than political will are necessary for operational prevention to be more effective? These other factors then form a model for more effective operational prevention together with political will. The second question is based on this model and is as follows: Is the model that these factors form followed when operational prevention is applied in practise? Three cases of conflict are looked at in order to answer the second question, Darfur, Nepal and Haiti. Both steps of the analysis are conducted by means of qualitative text analysis. The results support the common notion that effective conflict prevention is due to political will to act within the international community, but the results also indicate that political will is not all it takes for operational prevention to be effective.

This Master Thesis focuses on one of the most significant instrument of conflict prevention in the OSCE -- the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM). The aim of this thesis is to find out which determinants of his involvement contributed to the prevention of Civil War in the FYROM and why it failed in Kosovo. The first part looks into the theory of conflict prevention. The second chapter introduces the OSCE and focuses on function, mandate and activities of the HCNM. The third chapter analyzes and compares the involvement of the HCNM in the FYROM and Kosovo.

"The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), in spite of its commitments to human rights, failed to develop its institutions for conflict resolution and thus address the problem of massive and grave human rights violations that occurred as a result of conflicts. The OAU failed to actively engage the African Commission, which was established to promote and protect human rights, in addressing any of the conflicts in Africa. The OAU also failed to take action on the reports of the African Commission, in which the Commission had highlighted cases of massive and grave violations of human rights occasioned from conflicts. Consequently, most of the conflicts in Africa have not been fully resolved and there are still instances of sporadic outbreaks of violent conflicts with fatal consequences. The African Union (AU) improves upon the commitment of the OAU to human rights and conflict resolution by incorporating human rights norms into its Constitutive Act and the establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AUPSC). However, the AU is yet to demonstrate its real commitment to human rights and conflict resolution particularly in taking action on reports of violations of human rights occurring as a result of conflicts. ... This thesis is composed of five chapters. This first chapter provides a general introduction to the thesis and outlines its structure. Chapter two looks at the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution and examines some of the tensions that exist between the two fields in terms of their normative standards, objectives and strategies. The third chapter then looks at the mechanisms for conflict resolution in Africa under the OAU, manely the Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration (CMCA) and the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR), their successes and failures and the lessons that can be drawn from their performance and also discusses the role of the African Commission in conflict resolution. Chapter four discusses the AUPSC, its structure, powers, organisaton and performance so far. Chapter five covers the conclusions and recommendations of the study." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Department of Political Science, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, American University in Cairo, Egypt / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM