This thesis explores the Danish labor movement’s use of Twitter during the collective bargaining in spring 2018 from a mobilisation perspective. This is done to investigate 1) the form of contentious politics practiced by the Danish labor movement, and 2) the role of trade unions in the Danish labor movement. One specific hashtag, #ok18, is analyzed. This investigation mainly builds on framing theory as developed by Snow & Benford (1986; 2000) and its connection to the logic of collective action, and the logic of connective action developed by Bennet & Segerberg (2013). Three methods were used to analyze the labor movement on Twitter: a social network analysis of @mentions, semantic network analyses of Twitter streams, and a quantitative content analysis. This study finds that the most important and central actors within the labor movement on Twitter are trade unions. Nothing indicates that Danish public employees used Twitter to organize independently of trade unions. Furthermore, the labor movement used Twitter to articulate collective action frames that served as shared “schemata of interpretation” for the collective bargaining. In addition, several framing processes that changed the collective action frames were identified. These results all indicate that the labor movement’s mobilisation on Twitter during the collective bargaining of 2018 is best described by the logic of collective action. There were no indications of personalization of politics or of an increased symbolical inclusiveness. The successful mobilisation in Spring 2018 might therefore be interpreted, with the big proviso that that this study only investigates Twitter, as the first small steps towards a revitalization of conventional trade union politics in Denmark.

As social media has emerged to become a key site for contemporary communications and cultural production, the internet meme has penetrated every level of social networking online. Albeit being a global phenomenon with pervasive discursive power in a number of fields ranging from humour to international politics and cyber warfare, comparatively little research has been made into how internet memes work on the discursive level of identity formation and their influence on the formation of internet-based social movements. Using Reddit stock market anarchists r/WallStreetBets as case study, this thesis will use Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze how internet memes work on the level of socio-political formations and how their function can be understood in relation to entropic social environments online. This thesis investigates how internet memes are used as a tool for creation of motifs for action, identity markers, connective action, and social narrativization within an ambivalent social movement online. Introducing the novel term ”memetic discourse” as a way to understand memes as transferable units of memetically programmed content, this study shows the potential of memes to act as effective yet unstable modes of communication within networked environments.

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近幾年的大規模社會抗爭運動，不像過往傳統社運組織由上而下的動員，強調一致的意識形態和認同作為號召，而是透過網際網路與社交媒體的訊息擴散與中介動員，形成水平式的串連。面對這種新型態的網絡化社會運動，Bennett & Segerberg（2013）提出連結性行動（connective action）概念，強調個人化行動框架的重要性，以及組織在這些新型態社會運動中扮演的不同角色。本研究以2013年苗栗大埔農地徵收一案作為本地的連結性行動個案，觀察社交媒體上的浮現社群和既有的社運組織之連結，探討線上與線下參與者之串連如何使此案成為眾所關注的社會抗爭事件。 　　本研究採取複合式研究方法進行資料蒐集與分析，研究場域包括線上社交媒體與線下田野觀察，並訪談實際參與者。研究發現，在2013年苗栗大埔事件中，透過社交媒體的訊息擴散與動員參與，一波又一波的訊息擴散累積為下次的動員能量，號召更多的個別行動者參與；再者，社運組織作為一個連結平台，讓線上社交媒體的議題社群，有機會與在地抗爭者共同參與活動，並捲動不同社運組織之間的連結，形成社運組織「網絡的網絡」的協作圈。 / In the 2013, residents of Miao-li Da-pu fought for their living right against the government. They organized a series of protest by mobilizing people through social media. This was one of the several high-profile networked social movements in recent years. Adopting “the logic of connective action” from Bennett & Segerberg (2013) as the conceptual framework, this study examines the online and offline social networks of activist organizations during the protest events of Miao-li Da-pu. This analysis indicates that the protest’s information flows on the social media may recruit more individuals to participate the protest. Moreover, the organizations enabled “the network of networks”, which is linked to the networks belonging to different organizations. The role of organization in the protest is not only to mobilize the resources but also an enrolling platform to connect various individuals and local residents to work together.

In 2019,  Movice and CT created a mural that depicts faces of  high-ranking military officers who were in command when more than 6.000 civilians were killed by soldiers and were presented as guerilla members. After being censored by the military, the mural was reproduced on hundreds of walls in Colombia and other cities such as  New York, Berlin, Paris. On Twitter, the hashtag was used at least three times a day for two years.  Then, how could the contents of ¿Quién dio la orden? (Who gave the order? - WGO)  contribute to social change in the digital society while others go unnoticed? Through in-depth interviews and online participant observation, the organisational practices that produced WGO and the practices of social appropriation are analysed. In particular, the role played by affects and connective action. The research approach is from a non-media-centric perspective, a holistic view of the online/offline communication process of meaning-making. The study relies on the Latin American Theory of Mediations with some components from the theories of Collective Action, Connective Action and Affective Intensity. The findings mainly show that, first, the production of WGO was a permanent negotiation of collective meanings to reach the common goal. Second, WGO was appropriate when the citizens participated in the production of WGO and were able to  identify themselves subjectively. Third, the production of WGO increased affective intensities that triggered exchanges of discourse and action between diverse groups of social actors. In terms of social change, the alternative narrative of WGO was partially legitimised for Colombian society, turning it into a collective referent that challenged the hegemonic narrative of “rotten apples”. / En 2019, Movice y la Campaña por la Verdad crearon un mural que muestra los rostros de militares de alto rango que estaban al mando en el periodo en el que más de 6.000 civiles fueron asesinados y presentados como miembros de la guerrilla. Tras ser censurado por miembros del Ejército, el mural fue reproducido en cientos de paredes de Colombia y otras ciudades como Nueva York, Berlín o París. En Twitter, el hashtag se utilizó al menos tres veces al día durante dos años. Entonces, ¿cómo pudieron los contenidos de ¿Quién dio la orden? (QDO) contribuir al cambio social en la sociedad digital mientras otros pasan desapercibidos? A través de entrevistas en profundidad y observaciones participantes online, se analizan las prácticas organizativas que produjeron QDO y las prácticas de apropiación social. En particular, el papel desempeñado por los afectos y la acción conectiva. El enfoque de la investigación toma una perspectiva no mediático-céntrica, una visión holística del proceso de comunicación online/offline de producción de sentido. El estudio se basa en la Teoría Latinoamericana de las Mediaciones con algunos componentes de las teorías de la Acción Colectiva, la Acción Conectiva y la Intensidad Afectiva. Los resultados muestran principalmente que, en primer lugar, la producción de QDO fue una negociación permanente de significados colectivos para alcanzar el objetivo común. En segundo lugar, QDO fue apropiado desde la participación de los ciudadanos en la producción y cuando éstos lograron identificarse subjetivamente. Tercero, la producción de QDO aumentó las intensidades afectivas que desencadenaron intercambios de discurso y acción entre diversos grupos de actores sociales. En términos de cambio social, la narrativa alternativa de QDO fue parcialmente legitimada por la sociedad colombiana, convirtiéndose en un referente colectivo que desafió la narrativa hegemónica de las "manzanas podridas".