«Halal/ » : une prescription de la religion musulmane qui circonscrit ce qui est permis, mais surtout un marché en croissance exponentielle. Le marché du halal pèse près de 700 milliards de dollars de chiffre d’affaires annuel et intéresse 1,6 milliard de musulmans dans le monde (Bel Hadj, 2015). Entre 2014 et 2015, les dépenses alimentaires du monde musulman ont affiché une progression de 4,3% en atteignant 1158 milliards de dollars soit 16,7% des dépenses alimentaires de la planète . Ces dépenses dépasseront la barre symbolique des 2000 milliards de dollars d’ici 2025. En France, le marché est en constante croissance à deux chiffres (entre 17 à 20 % les cinq dernières années), il est estimé à 5,5 et 7 milliards d’euros par an .Face à l’évidence de l’ampleur et du potentiel du marché du halal dans le monde et en particulier en France, plusieurs tentatives d’élucidation du phénomène sont avancées. En observant de près les pratiques marketing, nous constatons un «déni» total des origines religieuses et une préférence pour la carte du purement ethnique. La recherche, quant à elle, reste fragmentée. Si dans certaines disciplines on préfère encore parler d’un phénomène purement religieux, d’autres tiennent encore à l’étiquette communautaire. Ce flou persiste avec la vision monochrome et surtout cloisonnée entre plusieurs domaines d’études. La recherche dans la discipline du comportement du consommateur, qu’elle s’intéresse à l’essence de la proscription religieuse ou qu’elle se focalise sur la dimension ethnique, n’investigue pas automatiquement toutes les raisons pour lesquelles un individu respecte les règles du halal. La sociologie semble être la discipline qui a su arpenter les chemins les plus sinueux pour tenter d’apporter plus de compréhension à ce phénomène qui ne cesse de prendre de l’envergure et d’attirer les controverses les plus acerbes. C’est aussi la discipline qui a su capturer l’évolution des générations d’immigrants et a su exprimer la complexité de l’expression alimentaire de la deuxième génération mais aussi le défi que relève la communauté maghrébine à cohabiter avec la stigmatisation. Cette deuxième génération d’«immigrants» maghrébins qui n’ont jamais immigré, décide de «manger pour croire » en «se nourrissant de nostalgie » pour une culture qu’ils vivent par procuration à défaut de pouvoir s’intégrer entièrement dans la société française. Il devenait pour nous fondamental de considérer cette pratique alimentaire dans une perspective plus large qui favorise l’élan de l’engagement et de la revendication identitaire affichée. Dans cette voie, et dans la ligne directrice des travaux en sociologie qui ont été notre principale inspiration tout au long de ce travail, notre projet s’inscrit dans une volonté de saisir cette consommation à travers un héritage à la fois culturel, migratoire, familial et une trajectoire propre à chaque individu. Pour arriver à cette fin, nous avons privilégié l’enquête par questionnaire (432 observations) auprès des immigrants de deuxième génération habitant la région parisienne. Pour l’analyse, nous avons opté pour les méthodes des équations structurelles, avec l’ambition de démêler la toile d’araignée à la fois culturelle, sociale et personnelle sans s’enliser dans les a priori, les polémiques et les partis pris. Pour ce faire, nous avons, tout au long de ce travail abordé le halal sous l’angle d’un fait religieux comportant de multiples facettes, à la fois collectives et individuelles, conservatrices et modernistes, désintéressées ou engagées. Nos résultats confirment cette relation de conviction étroite avec la consommation halal. Outre la religion, construit de prédilection des principales recherches en comportement du consommateur, le présent travail doctoral confirme les apports de certaines valeurs (sécurité, stimulation/hédonisme) de l’acculturation mais aussi de la socialisation alimentaire. Cette dernière a cristallisé l’impact de la composante comportementale de l’apprentissage sur la consommation, mais a surtout révélé l’impact de la composante affective sur cet apprentissage. Du côté de l’acculturation, seul l’attachement à la culture hôte a prouvé son influence négative sur la consommation alimentaire halal. Les polémiques récurrentes qui collent au halal nous ont également suggéré la voie de la confiance en la certification, qui a elle aussi confirmé qu’il s’agit désormais d’un phénomène de conscience, de revendication mais aussi d’un engagement responsable du consommateur pour harmoniser ce qu’il incorpore avec ce qu’il est.

À Québec, les dernières décennies ont été marquées par la dispersion des commerces et des services dans les secteurs de la ville qui bénéficient d'une accessibilité autoroutière accrue. Ces changements ont conduit à une diminution de l'achalandage des rues commerciales situées dans les quartiers centraux. S'attachant au sort de ces anciennes rues commerciales, notre étude s'intéresse aux éléments qui, du point de vue de ses usagers, influencent le pouvoir attractif de l'une d'entre elles : l'avenue Cartier. Au préalable, nous examinons la manière dont les usagers conçoivent mentalement l'extension spatiale du vocable avenue Cartier. Pour ce faire, nous utilisons la technique des groupes nominaux (TGN), un questionnaire et la cartographie participative comme méthodes de collecte de données. Nos résultats montrent que l'avenue Cartier, telle que les répondants se la conçoivent mentalement, dépasse largement ses limites physiques. Par ailleurs, l'offre commerciale et de services, l'offre de restauration et d'alimentation, la dimension sociale, l'atmosphère, la situation géographique, les déplacements des individus, les motivations personnelles sont les composantes qui, en ordre décroissant, influencent la fréquentation de l'avenue Cartier.

Ce mémoire dresse le portrait des habitudes de consommation alimentaire d'une population du Québec rural à la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle à travers Fétude des livres de comptes d'un marchand général de Saint-Pamphile, dans l'arrière pays de la Côte-du-Sud. Les modèles de consommation qu'on y observe témoignent d'une part d'une alimentation encore largement préindustrielle, dominée par les féculents et les productions animales. D'autre part, la délocalisation progressive des lieux de production et d'échanges commerciaux ainsi que la hausse des pouvoirs d'achat se traduisent par l'augmentation et la diversification de la consommation des denrées alimentaires au magasin général, ce qui révèlent un certain recul de l'autosuffisance et une diversification des régimes alimentaires. Les achats de denrées des cultivateurs rendent compte de la situation ambivalente de la région et des milieux ruraux de l'époque, marqués à la fois par la survivance de la tradition et par la modernité.

1. Contextual outline of the PhD Research<p><p>Climate change is today often seen as one of the most challenging issue that our civilisation will have to face during the 21st century. This is especially so now that the most recent scientific data have led to the conclusion that the globally averaged net effect of human activities since 1750 has been one of warming (IPCC 2007, p. 5) and that continued greenhouse gas emissions at or above current rates would cause further warming (IPCC, 2007 p. 13). This unequivocal link between climate change and anthropogenic activities requires an urgent, world-wide shift towards a low carbon economy (STERN 2006 p. iv) and coordinated policies and measures to manage this transition.<p><p>The climate issue is undoubtedly a typical policy question and as such, is considered amenable to economic scrutiny. Indeed, in today’s world economics is inevitable when it comes to arbitrages in the field of policy making. From the very beginning of international talks on climate change, up until the most recent discussions on a post-Kyoto international framework, economic arguments have turned out to be crucial elements of the analysis that shapes policy responses to the climate threat. This can be illustrated by the prominent role that economics has played in the different analyses produced by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to assess the impact of climate change on society.<p><p>The starting point and the core idea of this PhD research is the long-held observation that the threat of climate change calls for a change of climate in economics. Borrowing from the jargon used in climate policy, adaptation measures could also usefully target the academic discipline of economics. Given that inherent characteristics of the climate problem (e.g. complexity, irreversibility, deep uncertainty, etc.) challenge core economic assumptions, mainstream economic theory does not appear as appropriately equipped to deal with this crucial issue. This makes that new assumptions and analyses are needed in economics in order to comprehend and respond to the problem of climate change.<p><p>In parallel (and without environmental considerations being specifically the driving force to it), the mainstream model in economics has also long been (and still is) strongly criticised and disputed by numerous scholars - both from within and outside the field of economics. For the sake of functionality, these criticisms - whether they relate to theoretical inconsistencies or are empirically-based - can be subsumed as all challenging part of the Cartesian/Newtonian legacy of economics. This legacy can be shown to have led to a model imprinted with what could be called “mechanistic reductionism”. The mechanistic side refers to the Homo oeconomicus construct while reductionism refers to the quest for micro-foundations materialised with the representative agent hypothesis. These two hypotheses constitute, together with the conjecture of perfect markets, the building blocks of the framework of general equilibrium economics. <p><p>Even though it is functional for the purpose of this work to present them separately, the flaws of economics in dealing with the specificities of the climate issue are not considered independent from the fundamental objections made to the theoretical framework of mainstream economics. The former only make the latter seem more pregnant while the current failure of traditional climate policies informed by mainstream economics render the need for complementary approaches more urgent. <p><p>2. Overview of the approach and its main insights for climate policy<p><p>Starting from this observation, the main objective of this PhD is thus to assess the implications for climate policy that arise from adopting an alternative analytical economic framework. The stance is that the coupling of insights from the framework of evolutionary economics with the perspective of ecological economics provides a promising way forward both theoretically as well as on a more applied basis with respect to a better comprehension of the socioeconomic aspects related to the climate problem. As claimed in van den Bergh (2007, p. 521), ecological economics and evolutionary economics “share many characteristics and can be combined in a fruitful way" - which renders the coupling approach both legitimate and promising. <p><p>The choice of an evolutionary line of thought initially stems from its core characteristic: given its focus on innovation and system change it provides a useful approach to start with for assessing and managing the needed transition towards a low carbon economy. Besides, its shift of focus towards a better understanding of economic dynamics together with its departure from the perfect rationality hypothesis renders evolutionary economics a suitable theoretical complement for designing environmental policies.<p><p>The notions of path-dependence and lock-in can be seen as the core elements from this PhD research. They arise from adopting a framework which is founded on a different view of individual rationality and that allows for richer and more complex causalities to be accounted for. In a quest for surmounting the above-mentioned problem of reductionism, our framework builds on the idea of ‘multi-level selection’. This means that our analytical framework should be able to accommodate not only for upward but also for downward causation, without giving analytical priority to any level over the other. One crucial implication of such a framework is that the notion of circularity becomes the core dynamic, highlighting the importance of historicity, feedbacks and emergent properties. <p><p>More precisely, the added value of the perspective adopted in this PhD research is that it highlights the role played by inertia and path-dependence. Obviously, it is essential to have a good understanding of the underlying causes of that inertia prior to devising on how to enforce a change. Providing a clear picture of the socio-economic processes at play in shaping socio-technical systems is thus a necessary first step in order to usefully complement policy-making in the field of energy and climate change. In providing an analytical basis for this important diagnosis to be performed, the use of the evolutionary framework sheds a new light on the transition towards low-carbon socio-technical systems. The objective is to suggest strategies that could prove efficient in triggering the needed transition such as it has been the case in past “lock-in” stories. <p><p>Most notably, the evolutionary framework allows us to depict the presence of two sources of inertia (i.e at the levels of individuals through “habits” and at the level of socio-technical systems) that mutually reinforce each other in a path-dependent manner. Within the broad perspective on path dependence and lock-in, this PhD research has first sketched the implications for climate policy of applying the concept of ‘technological lock-in’ in a systemic perspective. We then investigated in more details the notion of habits. This is important as the ‘behavioural’ part of the lock-in process, although explicitly acknowledged in the pioneer work of Paul David (David, 1985, p. 336), has been neglected in most of subsequent analyses. Throughout this study, the notion of habits has been studied at both the theoretical and applied level of analysis as well as from an empirical perspective. <p><p>As shown in the first chapters of the PhD, the advantage of our approach is that it can incorporate theories that so far have been presented opposite, partial and incomplete perspectives. For instance, it is shown that our evolutionary approach not only is able to provide explanation to some of the puzzling questions in economics (e.g. the problem of strong reciprocity displayed by individual in anonymous one-shot situations) but also is very helpful in bringing a complementary explanation with respect to the famous debate on the ‘no-regret’ emission reduction potential which agitates the experts of climate policy. <p><p>An emission reduction potential is said to be "no regret" when the costs of implementing a measure are more than offset by the benefits it generates such as, for instance, reduced energy bills. In explaining why individuals do not spontaneously implement those highly profitable energy-efficient investments ,it appears that most prior analyses have neglected the importance of non-economic obstacle. They are often referred to as “barriers” and partly relate to the ‘bounded rationality’ of economic agent. As developed in the different chapters of this PhD research, the framework of evolutionary economics is very useful in that it is able to provide a two-fold account (i.e. relying on both individual and socio-technical sources of inertia) of this limited rationality that prevent individuals to act as purely optimising agents.<p><p>Bearing this context in mind, the concept of habits, as defined and developed in this study, is essential in analysing the determinants of energy consumption. Indeed, this concept sheds an insightful light on the puzzling question of why energy consumption keeps rising even though there is an evident increase of awareness and concern about energy-related environmental issues such as climate change. Indeed, if we subscribe to the idea that energy-consuming behaviours are often guided by habits and that deeply ingrained habits can become “counter-intentional”, it then follows that people may often display “locked-in” practices in their daily energy consumption behaviour. This hypothesis has been assessed in our empirical analysis whose results show how the presence of strong energy-consuming habitual practices can reduce the effectiveness of economic incentives such as energy subsidies. One additional delicate factor that appears crucial for our purpose is that habits are not fully conscious forms of behaviours. This makes that individuals do not really see habits as a problem given that it is viewed as easily changed.<p><p>In sum, based on our evolutionary account of the situation, it follows that, to be more efficient, climate policies would have to both shift the incumbent carbon-based socio-technical systems (for it to shape decisions towards a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions) and also deconstruct habits that this same socio-technical has forged with time (as increased environmental awareness and intentions formulated accordingly are not sufficient in the presence of strong habits).<p><p>Accordingly, decision-makers should design measures (e.g. commitment strategies, niche management, etc.) that, as explained in this research, specifically target those change-resisting factors and their key features. This is essential as these factors tend to reduce the efficiency of traditional instruments. Micro-level interventions are thus needed as much as macro-level ones. For instance, it is often the case that external improvements of energy efficiency do not lead to lower energy consumption due to the rebound effect arising from unchanged energy-consuming habits. Bearing this in mind and building on the insights from the evolutionary approach, policy-makers should go beyond the mere subsidisation of technologies. They should instead create conditions enabling the use of the multi-layered, cumulative and self-reinforcing character of economic change highlighted by evolutionary analyses. This means supporting both social and physical technologies with the aim of influencing the selection environment so that only the low-carbon technologies and practices will survive. <p><p><p>Mentioned references:<p><p>David, P. A. (1985), Clio and the economics of QWERTY, American Economic Review 75/2: 332–337.<p><p>IPCC, 2007, ‘Climate Change 2007: The Physical Science Basis’, Contribution of Working Group I to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [Solomon, S. D. Qin, M. Manning, Z. Chen, M. Marquis, K.B. Averyt, M. Tignor and H.L. Miller (eds.)]. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA, 996 pp. <p><p>Stern, N. 2006, ‘Stern Review: The economics of Climate Change’, Report to the UK Prime Minister and Chancellor, London, 575 p. (www.sternreview.org.uk)<p><p>van den Bergh, J.C.J.M. 2007, ‘Evolutionary thinking in environmental economics’, Journal of Evolutionary Economics 17(5): 521-549.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ce mémoire examine le concept de féminité chez de jeunes femmes québécoises. La féminité y est conceptualisée comme étant construite par certaines pratiques de consommation qui mettent l'emphase sur l'image corporelle. Il montre les façons dont sont vécues et comprises ces pratiques de consommation chez ces jeunes femmes. Les conceptions qu'elles ont de la société québécoise et de l'idéologie de la consommation qui promeut des modes de vie centrés sur la consommation y sont aussi explorées et analysées. Par l'entremise de différents thèmes et concepts associés au sujet principal, les discours et pratiques de ces jeunes femmes sont abordés et interprétés en rapport avec la construction du genre féminin dans un contexte de société de consommation. Il y est démontré que la construction de la féminité comme étant corporelle et consommée se retrouve en étroite relation avec le système économique capitaliste.

Les distributeurs énergétiques comme Gaz Métro et Hydro-Québec doivent s’assurer que la capacité de leur réseau suffit à satisfaire les besoins de ses clients. Lorsque les réseaux de distribution sont employés à pleine capacité et que la demande d’énergie augmente, ces entreprises ont le choix d’investir pour augmenter leur capacité ou inciter leurs clients à consommer moins. Il est possible de reporter des investissements en offrant aux clients des programmes d’efficacité énergétique qui abaissent la demande. Historiquement, les deux distributeurs québécois et la Régie de l’énergie qui les supervisent ont préféré accroître la capacité de leur réseau respectif afin de sécuriser l’approvisionnement de leur clientèle, notamment parce qu’ils ne leur semblaient pas possibles de contrôler adéquatement la demande énergétique. De plus, comme les revenus des entreprises augmentent avec la demande, ces entreprises ne sont pas incitées à tenter de la réduire. Dans ce mémoire, je propose une méthode d’estimation de la rentabilité d’une stratégie de report actif d’un investissement visant à augmenter la capacité des réseaux de distrubution couplée à un mécanisme incitatif. Ma méthode combine l’évaluation actualisée des coûts et bénéfices de l’investissement à un modèle de comportement du consommateur. / Energy utilities such as Gaz Métro and Hydro-Québec must ensure that the capacity of their network is sufficient to satisfy the needs of its customers. When the distribution networks are used at full capacity and the demand for energy increases, these companies have the choice of investing to increase their capacity or encourage their customers to consume less. Investments can be deferred by offering customers energy efficiency programs that reduce demand. Historically, the two distributors and the Régie de l’énergie who supervised them preferred to increase the capacity of their respective networks in order to secure the supply of their customers, especially because they felt like it was not possible to adequately control energy demand. Moreover, as business incomes increase with demand, these firms have no incentive to attempt to reduce it. In this paper, I propose a method for estimating the profitability of an active deferral strategy for an investment aimed at increasing the capacity of distrubution networks coupled with an incentive mechanism. My method combines the updated assessment of the costs and benefits of the investment with a pattern of consumer behavior.