This thesis examines the motivations for adopting multiculturalism. To this end, it examines a phenomenon that is commonplace in everyday life but is curiously absent from the academic literature: power. I argue that power provides a better causal explanation for the adoption of multiculturalism than previous explanations, such as desecuritization, and renders justifications for multiculturalism based exclusively on moral grounds insufficient and impractical in the world of politics. I divide the analysis into two parts: power acquisition as a factor that prompts dominant groups to enact multicultural policies, and power as a factor that enables non-dominant groups to mobilize for greater rights. In the process, I examine the structure of power in the modern nation-state, and claim, in short, that it is not only a network of boundaries, rules and institutions, but also an instrument used to delimit independence. I also claim that dominant groups will be most amenable to accepting multiculturalism if it does not alter the existing power praxis, and even reinforces the authority of the bearers of power. In areas of the world where multiculturalism is perceived as granting minorities too much power, it has been and will continue to be outright rejected. Moreover, I contend that minorities are not powerless and can effectively mobilize to acquire greater rights by engaging in ‘counterpower’. Ultimately, I conclude that the realistic prospects of diffusing multiculturalism, in light of the analysis of power, are poor, since in many areas of the world, authorities have too strong a grasp on power, and the counterpower of the masses is concordantly too weak. In this respect, a focus on the concept of power with regard to the adoption of multiculturalism reflects the political reality.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Eliani de Fátima Covem Queiroz - 2017.pdf: 6696315 bytes, checksum: 4609756d18fdc26f3df9bb372f761d8f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / Social movements have taken on a new configuration since 2011, with the great protests that have occurred in several countries, including Brazil, giving visibility to the popular dissatisfaction with the demands not met by the public power, the reflexes of globalization, the current face of the Neoliberalism and integral capitalism. With this, social movements began to exercise in society the counter power, using as a tool, above all, the social networks of the Internet to denounce cases of social exclusion, to schedule protests and to transmit in real time what happens in the demonstrations. Social networks favor the practices of cyber-activism, in the deliberations and coordination of these collective actions, with the predominance of autonomous communication, considered as one of the main characteristics of social movements in contemporary times. Autonomous communication has become a way of evading the control of the state and the hegemonic power of communication companies, which, in short, still control and hold a monopoly on making the facts public. A monopoly that has been facing the confrontation of social movements. One such move is the Transport Struggle Front, in Goiânia, created in 2013, which drove a crowd into the streets to protest on several occasions, from that year on, against tariff increases and to demand improvements in the quality of public transportation. The strong repression of the State and the police has smashed the Frente de Luta, acting with violence against the activists during the demonstrations and making arbitrary arrests with the clear intention of dismantling the group and criminalizing the movement. Activists, mostly high school students and university students, have political training and class consciousness that guide the actions and strategies of struggle. They consider public transport as a way to guarantee the mobility of thousands of people, especially workers, to take ownership of the city, social, educational and cultural devices of common and collective use. Appropriation that can lead to the achievement of other freedoms and experiences. The research had as objective to know the motivations that led the students to articulate the struggle for the improvement of collective transportation in Goiânia, to seek the freezing of the price of the tariff or even its franking, besides investigating how they communicate to organize the demonstrations, with the Use of social networks. As methodological tools, the semi-structured interview, the participant observation and the documentary analysis were used. / Os movimentos sociais assumiram uma nova configuração a partir de 2011, com os grandes protestos que aconteceram em vários países, inclusive no Brasil, dando visibilidade à insatisfação popular em relação às demandas não atendidas pelo poder público, aos reflexos da globalização, à atual face do neoliberalismo e do capitalismo integral. Com isso, os movimentos sociais passaram a exercer na sociedade o contrapoder, utilizando como ferramenta, sobretudo, as redes sociais da Internet para denunciar os casos de exclusão social, agendar protestos e transmitir em tempo real o que acontece nas manifestações. As redes sociais favorecem as práticas do ciberativismo, nas deliberações e coordenações dessas ações coletivas, com a predominância da comunicação autônoma, considerada como uma das principais características dos movimentos sociais na contemporaneidade. A comunicação autônoma tornou-se uma forma de fugir do controle do Estado e do poder hegemônico das empresas de comunicação que, em suma, ainda controlam e detêm o monopólio de tornar os fatos públicos. Um monopólio que vem sofrendo o enfrentamento dos movimentos sociais. Um desses movimentos é a Frente de Luta pelo Transporte, em Goiânia, criado em 2013, que levou uma multidão às ruas para protestar em várias ocasiões, a partir daquele ano, contra o aumento da tarifa e para reivindicar melhorias na qualidade do transporte público. A forte repressão do Estado e da polícia tem esfacelado a Frente de Luta, ao agirem com violência contra os ativistas durante as manifestações e efetuarem prisões arbitrárias com a clara intenção de desarticular o grupo e criminalizar o movimento. Os ativistas, na maioria estudantes secundaristas e universitários, possuem formação politica e consciência de classe que orientam as ações e estratégias de luta. Consideram o transporte público como forma de garantir a mobilidade de milhares de pessoas, sobretudo de trabalhadores, para se apropriarem da cidade, dos aparelhos sociais, educacionais e culturais de uso comum e coletivo. Apropriação que pode levar à conquistas de outras liberdades e vivências. A pesquisa teve por objetivo conhecer as motivações que levaram os estudantes a articularem a luta pela melhoria do transporte coletivo em Goiânia, buscarem o congelamento do preço da tarifa ou até mesmo seu franqueamento, além de investigar como se comunicam para organizar as manifestações, com o uso das redes sociais. Como ferramentas metodológicas recorreu-se a entrevista semi estruturada, a observação participante e a análise documental.