This thesis presents a study of how identification, according to Kenneth Burke's theory, can be observed in the media-related practices promoted by the cyber-activist collective Anonymous. Identification is the capacity of community-building through the use of shared interests. Burke affirms that, as human beings are essentially social, identification is the very aim of any human interaction. Cyber-activism deeply relies on this capacity to promote and legitimise its campaigns. In the case of Anonymous, the collective became extremely popular and is now a frequent presence even in street protests, usually organised online, around the world. Here, I argue that this power was possible through the use of identification, which helped attract a large number of individuals to the collective. Anonymous was particularly skilled in its capacity to create an ideology for each campaign, which worked well to set up a perfect enemy who should be fought against by any people, despite their demographic or social status. Other forms of identification were also present and important. Although it is impossible to measure how many people or what kind of people Anonymous has been attracting, the presence of identification as a strong phenomenon is undeniable, since the collective is now one of the most famous cyber-activist organisations.

This thesis presents a study of how identification, according to Kenneth Burke's theory, can be observed in the media-related practices promoted by the cyber-activist collective Anonymous. Identification is the capacity of community-building through the use of shared interests. Burke affirms that, as human beings are essentially social, identification is the very aim of any human interaction. Cyber-activism deeply relies on this capacity to promote and legitimise its campaigns. In the case of Anonymous, the collective became extremely popular and is now a frequent presence even in street protests, usually organised online, around the world. Here, I argue that this power was possible through the use of identification, which helped attract a large number of individuals to the collective. Anonymous was particularly skilled in its capacity to create an ideology for each campaign, which worked well to set up a perfect enemy who should be fought against by any people, despite their demographic or social status. Other forms of identification were also present and important. Although it is impossible to measure how many people or what kind of people Anonymous has been attracting, the presence of identification as a strong phenomenon is undeniable, since the collective is now one of the most famous cyber-activist organisations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:31:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CAPA Dissert Herois da Natureza.pdf: 76001 bytes, checksum: b69d6efc506a9abd921ac9bbb24a5ab3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-13 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study proposes a reflection on the treatment of the imaginary hero of the campaign of non-governmental organization Greenpeace on its website. The corpus was the editorials designed to promote each of its action front: Amazon, Climate and Energy, Nuclear, Ocean and Transgenic. The amount of five editorials were collected on April 18, 2010. In the social context, this NGO is inserted into a conflict between natural resources conservation and industrial and economic development. Furthermore, a change in the paradigms and values of social relations due to technological advances, and the emergence of cyberspace. The aim therefore is to understand how the relation between of the actions of Greenpeace and the imaginary hero benefits joining the cyber activism. For that we use a discourse analysis of the French line as theoretical and methodological, axis, including as main thinkers Patrick Charaudeau and Dominique Maingueneau, whose ideas have helped to examine how language is used in these editorials, studying its context, resulting in ideological discourse pervaded by the hero s imagery. The study revealed that the discursive techniques used in the editorials helped to create the ethos of the hero, the villain and the girl and that these elements appreciate the actions of Greenpeace to a heroic level. / Este estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre o tratamento dado ao imaginário do herói nas campanhas da organização não governamental Greenpeace, em seu site. O corpus de análise foi composto pelos editoriais elaborados para divulgar cada uma de suas frentes de ação: Amazônia, Clima e Energia, Nuclear, Oceano e Transgênicos. Foram ao total cinco editoriais, coletados no dia 18 de abril de 2010. No contexto social, esta ONG está inserida num conflito entre a preservação dos recursos naturais e desenvolvimento industrial e econômico. Além disso, considera-se também a mudança nos paradigmas e valores das relações sociais determinada pelo avanço tecnológico e o consequente surgimento do ciberespaço. O objetivo, portanto, é buscar entender como a relação das ações do Greenpeace com o imaginário do herói beneficia a adesão ao ciberativismo. Para isso usamos a Análise do Discurso da linha francesa como eixo teórico-metodológico, tendo como principais pensadores Patrick Charaudeau e Dominique Maingueneau, cujas ideias ajudaram a examinar a maneira como a linguagem é empregada nesses editoriais, estudando o seu contexto, resultando num discurso ideológico impregnado pelo imaginário do herói. Concluiu-se, que as técnicas discursivas utilizadas nos editoriais auxiliaram na criação do ethos do herói, do bandido e da vítima e que esses elementos valorizam as ações dos Greenpeace elevando a um patamar heróico.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:12:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Luiz Cardoso Tavares Antonio.pdf: 2931769 bytes, checksum: c12f1f7878bdb9156a9577243aa400c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims to examine how communicational relationships are established between Anonymous collective and the mass media such as television, radio and print media. Anonymous began as a small group of internet users seeking fun in the imageboard 4chan. Later on, the group gained a more serious stance, chasing free exchange information, freedom of speech and free Internet usage. It has become a media phenomenon that resulted in a collective of cyberactivists with unclear political objectives and became popular after being recognized for: shutting down government websites, confidential information leakage and stolen data. The goal of this research is to (i) demonstrate how media builded and explored an image of a collective that is mobilized through social networks to organize concomitant protests in several parts of the world and (ii) explain how media uses Anonymous for their own ends and, in the Brazilian case, how it has appropriated Guy Fawkes mask as a symbol against corruption / O presente trabalho visa a analisar como se estabelecem as relações comunicacionais entre o Coletivo Anonymous e as mídias de massa, como a televisão, rádio e os meios impressos. O Anonymous nasceu como um pequeno grupo de usuários de internet no imageboard 4chan que buscava diversão e, posteriormente, assumiu uma imagem mais séria em busca da liberdade para a troca de informações, liberdade de expressão e livre utilização da internet. Tornou-se um fenômeno midiático resultante em um coletivo de ciberativistas com objetivos pseudo políticos, nem sempre declarados, e se popularizou após receberem os créditos de uma série de ataques virtuais que resultaram na queda de sites governamentais, vazamento de informações confidenciais de pessoas públicas e seqüestro de dados. O objetivo desta pesquisa é (i) demonstrar como a mídia construiu e explorou a imagem de um coletivo que se mobiliza através de redes sociais para organizar protestos concomitantes em diversos lugares do mundo e (ii) explicar como a mídia se utiliza do Anonymous para seus próprios fins, e no caso do Brasil, apropriando-se da máscara de Guy Fawkes como um símbolo de combate à corrupção

This study examines how the #MeToo-movement was influenced by different forms of informal justice on the social media platform Twitter in 2017. Furthermore, online U.S. news media is analyzed in its contributory role during the movement. Thus, these two sites of analysis also highlight the interplay between social media and online news sources. Therefore, the research questions are: R.Q. 1: How were different forms of informal justice facilitated through networked activism on Twitter during the 2017 #MeToo-movement?R.Q. 2: In what ways did the reporting of online U.S. news media contribute to the mechanisms of informal justice on social media during the 2017 #MeToo-movement? Both questions are answered through two independent qualitative content analyses: The first critically evaluates 80 tweets from the social media platform Twitter that were published between October 15 - December 31, 2017, with the hashtag #MeToo; the second reviews 12 online articles from online U.S. news sources that reported about the online proliferation of the #MeToo-movement.While the results contained online shaming of celebrities and public figures, no distinctive forms of punishment or vigilantism could be identified within the samples. Furthermore, victims of abuse engaged in self-disclosure without exposing their abusers. Still, informal justice could be understood as a way to speak up against societal injustice by expressing a clear warning towards sexual perpetrators through digitally networked activism. At the same time, online news source merely reiterated social media developments without engaging in additional online shaming. However, these news sources also participated in #MeToo-related justice by spreading further awareness about the movement. Thus, a reciprocal relationship between social media and online U.S. news media became evident.

Mediante o estudo das atividades relacionadas à comunidade NEGROS presente no Orkut desde 2004 e que, atualmente, reúne 36.000 membros -, este trabalho busca contribuir para identificar o papel das redes sociais no que diz respeito à construção de conhecimentos e ao desenvolvimento de iniciativas destinadas a combater o racismo no Brasil. As novas tecnologias ampliaram significativamente os veículos de comunicação e de informação existentes e permitiram que as redes sociais ganhassem grande expressão nos últimos anos, de maneira que não é possível ignorar o potencial formativo desses meios. Por essa razão, optouse pelo estudo de uma das primeiras comunidades criadas na rede social Orkut com vistas a congregar pessoas com interesse pela situação do negro no Brasil. Tal estudo privilegiou a análise dos discursos produzidos a respeito da identidade negra em dois tópicos do fórum da comunidade voltados especificamente para a autodeclaração racial. Para compreender o processo de constituição da identidade negra, recorreu-se aos aportes teóricos de, entre outros, MUNANGA (2009) e FERREIRA (2000); já o entendimento do ciberespaço e, especificamente, da comunidade estudada como espaço de saber e dos coletivos inteligentes teve como referência o trabalho de LEVY (1999). Pretendeu-se, também, investigar de que maneira os membros veem a referida comunidade e seus conteúdos, buscando ainda reunir elementos sobre o grau de participação dos mesmos. Para isto, foram realizadas entrevistas com três integrantes com perfis bastante distintos, mas com grande expressão no grupo. A análise dos dados coletados mostrou que os discursos de identidade negra são construídos de modos diferenciados, mesmo que a comunidade invoque certa homogeneidade. Foi possível captar nas falas dos membros da NEGROS desde a consciência da opressão histórica-política até o orgulho do pertencimento, passando pelo sofrimento causado pelo preconceito. Além disso, foi possível constatar que as possibilidades de socialização da comunidade potencializam a construção coletiva de conhecimentos relativos à identidade do grupo. Por fim, deve-se assinalar que o presente trabalho deteve-se nas discussões sobre o potencial ativista das redes sociais que, recentes como são, ainda suscitam várias polêmicas sem, entretanto, oferecer respostas definitivas a esse respeito. / By means of the study of the activities related to the community NEGROS (Black people) at Orkut since 2004 which has had36.000 members up to now , this work aims to identify the role of the social networks concerning the construction of knowledge and the development of initiatives to fight racism in Brazil. The new technologies have significantly increased the existent means of communication and information and allowed the social networks to obtain great expression in the last years; therefore it is impossible to ignore the formative potential of those means. For that very reason, we have chosen to study one of the first communities created at Orkut with the purpose of inviting people interested in the situation of the black people in Brazil. Such study emphasized the analysis of the discourses produced concerning the black identity in two forum topics of the community which specifically comprehended the self-declaration of race. In order to understand the process of the constitution of the black identity, we investigated MUNANGAs (2009) and FERREIRAs (2000) theories, among others; to understand the cyber space and, specifically, the community studied as a space of knowledge and intelligent collectives, we referred to LEVYs work (1999). We also aimed to investigate how the members see the community and its contents, trying to group elements about their degree of participation. We accomplished interviews with three members with very distinct profiles but with a great contribution in the group. The data analysis showed that the discourses of the black identity are built in different ways, even though the community evoked certain homogeneity. It was possible to apprehend in the members discourses from the consciousness of political-historical oppression to the pride of being part of the group, through the suffering caused by prejudice. Besides, it was possible to verify that the possibilities of socialization of the community developed the collective construction of knowledge related to the group identity. Finally, we should stress that the present work was limited to the discussions about the activist potential of the recent social networks that have still given rise to many polemic issues without, however, offering definitive answers to this subject.

Mediante o estudo das atividades relacionadas à comunidade NEGROS presente no Orkut desde 2004 e que, atualmente, reúne 36.000 membros -, este trabalho busca contribuir para identificar o papel das redes sociais no que diz respeito à construção de conhecimentos e ao desenvolvimento de iniciativas destinadas a combater o racismo no Brasil. As novas tecnologias ampliaram significativamente os veículos de comunicação e de informação existentes e permitiram que as redes sociais ganhassem grande expressão nos últimos anos, de maneira que não é possível ignorar o potencial formativo desses meios. Por essa razão, optouse pelo estudo de uma das primeiras comunidades criadas na rede social Orkut com vistas a congregar pessoas com interesse pela situação do negro no Brasil. Tal estudo privilegiou a análise dos discursos produzidos a respeito da identidade negra em dois tópicos do fórum da comunidade voltados especificamente para a autodeclaração racial. Para compreender o processo de constituição da identidade negra, recorreu-se aos aportes teóricos de, entre outros, MUNANGA (2009) e FERREIRA (2000); já o entendimento do ciberespaço e, especificamente, da comunidade estudada como espaço de saber e dos coletivos inteligentes teve como referência o trabalho de LEVY (1999). Pretendeu-se, também, investigar de que maneira os membros veem a referida comunidade e seus conteúdos, buscando ainda reunir elementos sobre o grau de participação dos mesmos. Para isto, foram realizadas entrevistas com três integrantes com perfis bastante distintos, mas com grande expressão no grupo. A análise dos dados coletados mostrou que os discursos de identidade negra são construídos de modos diferenciados, mesmo que a comunidade invoque certa homogeneidade. Foi possível captar nas falas dos membros da NEGROS desde a consciência da opressão histórica-política até o orgulho do pertencimento, passando pelo sofrimento causado pelo preconceito. Além disso, foi possível constatar que as possibilidades de socialização da comunidade potencializam a construção coletiva de conhecimentos relativos à identidade do grupo. Por fim, deve-se assinalar que o presente trabalho deteve-se nas discussões sobre o potencial ativista das redes sociais que, recentes como são, ainda suscitam várias polêmicas sem, entretanto, oferecer respostas definitivas a esse respeito. / By means of the study of the activities related to the community NEGROS (Black people) at Orkut since 2004 which has had36.000 members up to now , this work aims to identify the role of the social networks concerning the construction of knowledge and the development of initiatives to fight racism in Brazil. The new technologies have significantly increased the existent means of communication and information and allowed the social networks to obtain great expression in the last years; therefore it is impossible to ignore the formative potential of those means. For that very reason, we have chosen to study one of the first communities created at Orkut with the purpose of inviting people interested in the situation of the black people in Brazil. Such study emphasized the analysis of the discourses produced concerning the black identity in two forum topics of the community which specifically comprehended the self-declaration of race. In order to understand the process of the constitution of the black identity, we investigated MUNANGAs (2009) and FERREIRAs (2000) theories, among others; to understand the cyber space and, specifically, the community studied as a space of knowledge and intelligent collectives, we referred to LEVYs work (1999). We also aimed to investigate how the members see the community and its contents, trying to group elements about their degree of participation. We accomplished interviews with three members with very distinct profiles but with a great contribution in the group. The data analysis showed that the discourses of the black identity are built in different ways, even though the community evoked certain homogeneity. It was possible to apprehend in the members discourses from the consciousness of political-historical oppression to the pride of being part of the group, through the suffering caused by prejudice. Besides, it was possible to verify that the possibilities of socialization of the community developed the collective construction of knowledge related to the group identity. Finally, we should stress that the present work was limited to the discussions about the activist potential of the recent social networks that have still given rise to many polemic issues without, however, offering definitive answers to this subject.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:54:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RaquelSS_DISSERT.pdf: 3631859 bytes, checksum: 350f993b15adbbe379c6c3e2c36d3dca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-27 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace / A fluidez espacial e temporal condicionada pelas tecnologias online de intera??o social vem possibilitando que a??es coletivas de protesto e ativismo surjam a cada dia no ciberespa?o o ciberativismo. Se antes essas a??es estavam localizadas em fronteiras geogr?ficas, hoje as reivindica??es e mobiliza??es extrapolam o local, conectam-se ao global e, ao mesmo tempo, retornam ao regional por meio da virtualidade digital. Dentro desse contexto da rela??o entre tecnologia digital e fluxo de sociabilidade global, surge em outubro de 2010 o movimento social da hashtag #ForaMicarla , que significa a insatisfa??o dos cibernautas natalenses do Twitter com a atual gest?o da prefeitura da cidade de Natal RN, Micarla de Sousa (Partido Verde). Podemos encontrar no centro desse movimento e de outros que surgiram no mundo na mesma ?poca uma condi??o tecnol?gica do Twitter, a hashtag # ? o s?mbolo # seguido de uma palavra ou frase. ? usada pelos cibernautas como forma de marcar assuntos na plataforma. Partindo desse cen?rio, esta pesquisa busca analisar como a rela??o dos agentes do movimento da hashtag #ForaMicarla , tendo como princ?pio que ele foi formado em rede no Twitter e ? mantido na plataforma de forma cotidiana, pode criar um novo tipo de cultura pol?tica. Assim, esta pesquisa problematiza teoricamente a import?ncia do Twitter e dos movimentos que emergem na plataforma e atrav?s dela para compreender as reivindica??es sociais e pol?ticas do mundo contempor?neo e dessa esfera p?blica, que agora parece incluir o ciberespa?o

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-11T12:19:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Eliani de Fátima Covem Queiroz - 2017.pdf: 6696315 bytes, checksum: 4609756d18fdc26f3df9bb372f761d8f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-11T12:20:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Eliani de Fátima Covem Queiroz - 2017.pdf: 6696315 bytes, checksum: 4609756d18fdc26f3df9bb372f761d8f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-11T12:20:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Eliani de Fátima Covem Queiroz - 2017.pdf: 6696315 bytes, checksum: 4609756d18fdc26f3df9bb372f761d8f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / Social movements have taken on a new configuration since 2011, with the great protests that have occurred in several countries, including Brazil, giving visibility to the popular dissatisfaction with the demands not met by the public power, the reflexes of globalization, the current face of the Neoliberalism and integral capitalism. With this, social movements began to exercise in society the counter power, using as a tool, above all, the social networks of the Internet to denounce cases of social exclusion, to schedule protests and to transmit in real time what happens in the demonstrations. Social networks favor the practices of cyber-activism, in the deliberations and coordination of these collective actions, with the predominance of autonomous communication, considered as one of the main characteristics of social movements in contemporary times. Autonomous communication has become a way of evading the control of the state and the hegemonic power of communication companies, which, in short, still control and hold a monopoly on making the facts public. A monopoly that has been facing the confrontation of social movements. One such move is the Transport Struggle Front, in Goiânia, created in 2013, which drove a crowd into the streets to protest on several occasions, from that year on, against tariff increases and to demand improvements in the quality of public transportation. The strong repression of the State and the police has smashed the Frente de Luta, acting with violence against the activists during the demonstrations and making arbitrary arrests with the clear intention of dismantling the group and criminalizing the movement. Activists, mostly high school students and university students, have political training and class consciousness that guide the actions and strategies of struggle. They consider public transport as a way to guarantee the mobility of thousands of people, especially workers, to take ownership of the city, social, educational and cultural devices of common and collective use. Appropriation that can lead to the achievement of other freedoms and experiences. The research had as objective to know the motivations that led the students to articulate the struggle for the improvement of collective transportation in Goiânia, to seek the freezing of the price of the tariff or even its franking, besides investigating how they communicate to organize the demonstrations, with the Use of social networks. As methodological tools, the semi-structured interview, the participant observation and the documentary analysis were used. / Os movimentos sociais assumiram uma nova configuração a partir de 2011, com os grandes protestos que aconteceram em vários países, inclusive no Brasil, dando visibilidade à insatisfação popular em relação às demandas não atendidas pelo poder público, aos reflexos da globalização, à atual face do neoliberalismo e do capitalismo integral. Com isso, os movimentos sociais passaram a exercer na sociedade o contrapoder, utilizando como ferramenta, sobretudo, as redes sociais da Internet para denunciar os casos de exclusão social, agendar protestos e transmitir em tempo real o que acontece nas manifestações. As redes sociais favorecem as práticas do ciberativismo, nas deliberações e coordenações dessas ações coletivas, com a predominância da comunicação autônoma, considerada como uma das principais características dos movimentos sociais na contemporaneidade. A comunicação autônoma tornou-se uma forma de fugir do controle do Estado e do poder hegemônico das empresas de comunicação que, em suma, ainda controlam e detêm o monopólio de tornar os fatos públicos. Um monopólio que vem sofrendo o enfrentamento dos movimentos sociais. Um desses movimentos é a Frente de Luta pelo Transporte, em Goiânia, criado em 2013, que levou uma multidão às ruas para protestar em várias ocasiões, a partir daquele ano, contra o aumento da tarifa e para reivindicar melhorias na qualidade do transporte público. A forte repressão do Estado e da polícia tem esfacelado a Frente de Luta, ao agirem com violência contra os ativistas durante as manifestações e efetuarem prisões arbitrárias com a clara intenção de desarticular o grupo e criminalizar o movimento. Os ativistas, na maioria estudantes secundaristas e universitários, possuem formação politica e consciência de classe que orientam as ações e estratégias de luta. Consideram o transporte público como forma de garantir a mobilidade de milhares de pessoas, sobretudo de trabalhadores, para se apropriarem da cidade, dos aparelhos sociais, educacionais e culturais de uso comum e coletivo. Apropriação que pode levar à conquistas de outras liberdades e vivências. A pesquisa teve por objetivo conhecer as motivações que levaram os estudantes a articularem a luta pela melhoria do transporte coletivo em Goiânia, buscarem o congelamento do preço da tarifa ou até mesmo seu franqueamento, além de investigar como se comunicam para organizar as manifestações, com o uso das redes sociais. Como ferramentas metodológicas recorreu-se a entrevista semi estruturada, a observação participante e a análise documental.

評估探究網路社運的研究結果紛雜，與其說結果歧出，不如重新檢視用以分析的路徑。我認為著眼於技術形式的分析路徑可能有所不足，因此，本研究切換視角，自科技與社會研究中汲取養分，從使用中科技（technology in-use）的角度切入，藉機勾勒數位科技在善於把玩者手中所形成的各色風貌，及其打造有別於傳統社運的抗爭戲碼。文中便整理多樣數位科技在社會運動中快或慢地跳脫原先功能與使用方式的情形，突顯全青盟成員是以長期的網路使用經驗為基礎，才能深具創意地將特定科技依運動階段轉換角色，或是有技巧地應運動階段帶進不同的科技，並在多元的科技間加以協調、組合，或是勝任翻譯者的角色，在運動的聲援者與網路使用者之間快速轉換，將嚴肅的運動資訊應數位平台的特色與文化裁剪為引人共鳴的文本。簡言之，用於加強社交的強勢腳本已在愛用且善用的使用者手中退位，數位科技重新以社會運動科技的姿態登場。事實上，這正反映網路世代對社會運動的想像與行動已難排除長期耽溺的網路經驗，於是，無論是社會對話、群眾串聯、組織形式均深受數位參與文化的潛移默化，開創有別於傳統的社運圖像。 / The findings of cyber activism research that focus on technical forms are diverse and confusing. Thus, I believe it is better to reexamine the way of analysis. The article uses the perspective of technology in-use which draws from Society, Technology, and Science (STS) approach to trace the dynamic of young activists using digital technologies in social movement, as well as the characteristics of contemporary internet-embedded social movements beyond traditional ones. The study shows that digital technologies have departed from original scripts in different degrees. Based on the long-term experiences of using internet, members of National Youth Alliance Against KuoKuang Petrochemical Project creatively changed roles of technologies and tactically composed multiple technologies according to the stages of movement. Moreover, they successfully reedited the campaigns which widely disseminated in digital environment based on their capacity for switching identities between activists and internet users. In short, digital technologies were originally used to strengthen human relations. The skilled users/activists of digital technologies have, however, utilized these technologies to promote social movements. In fact, as mentioned above, it also reveals that the imagination and actions of social movements by net generation cannot exclude their long-term experiences of internet use. Therefore, regardless of social dialogue, mobilization and organization structure which are critical elements of social movement, they all have been deeply influenced by digital participatory culture.