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The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the process of democratic consolidation in Thailand between 1997-2006.  The country’s consolidation of democracy has been hampered by continuous cycle of coup d’états which throughout history have halted the overall process of democratization. The coup of 2006 is one example of those instances where the democratic consolidation process was interrupted.   The method used to examine the years of 1997-2006 was theory consuming by qualitative text analysis where the data used to assess the situation was qualitative. The theory of democratic consolidation was offered by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan. The theory’s prerequisites were applied to examine the case study of Thailand. The theory chosen were hoped to give a plausible explanation for the failure of democratic consolidation in the case of Thailand. It was also hoped that it could assess the overall quality of Thai democracy and possibly give a better insight in why military coups seem to be a reoccurring phenomenon in the case of Thailand.

Democracies worldwide are facing a third wave of autocratization, in which a new model tactic has emerged to end democracies. During previous waves coup d’état have been the main reason why democracies breakdown. However, they do still occur during the third wave of autocratization, but previous research has focused on theoretically develop the reasons for why coups occur through focusing on the military and specific regions. In addition, various definitions exist regarding coup d’état, and as a result, its definition has become fragmented, which has had real-life implications. The Capitol Insurrection that occurred in the United States on January 6th, 2021, introduced an unprecedented attack on one of the world’s most prominent and noticeable democracies, intending to overturn the 2020 Presidential Election. The Capitol Insurrection has been defined as a domestic terrorist attack and, thus, not an attempted takeover. Therefore, this thesis aims to analyze the concept of coup d´état to develop the understanding of takeover attempts in democracies. In addition, it aspires to theoretically develop the concept of takeovers in democracies through applying a multiple-case design consisting of three cases that have been defined as coups and three cases that follow the new tactic used in the third wave of autocratization. The thesis summarizes the previous definitions and explanations regarding takeovers and applies that to analyze how and what characterized the six cases. In addition, the findings of the six cases are compared to the previous definitions to analyze what speaks for and against a broadened definition of a takeover. The analysis of this thesis finds and argues for that there is a need to redefine the model tactic during the third wave of autocratization to a type of takeover performed by the chief executive and political elites, in other words, performed by the government for government.

This study develops a leader-centric theory of civil-military relations that expands upon three broad areas of research. Specifically, the study suggests that leaders will evaluate multiple threats to their political survival and will ultimately implement strategy that is most likely to keep them in power. While Downs (1957) has noted such a tendency in democracies, this study expands this rationale to authoritarian regimes by focusing on the primary means of authoritarian removal: the military coup. In contrast to the state-centric nature of traditional international relations theory, this dissertation finds that leaders frequently undermine the power of the state in order to accomplish the self-interested goal of political survival. First, the study carefully describes a number of coup-proofing strategies that leaders can implement. These are broadly defined in terms of influencing either the military’s willingness or its ability to attempt a coup. In addition to testing the effectiveness of these strategies, this study also theoretically explores the implications of coup-proofing for other political development of the state: interstate and intrastate conflict. Second, the study considers the influence of coup-proofing on interstate conflict. This study builds on the diversionary literature by investing coup risk as an incentive to use diversionary tactics as well as coup-proofing as a potential disincentive. The latter can both undermine the necessity of diversion as well as military capabilities, making leaders less capable of utilizing international conflict as a political tool. Third, the dissertation considers the influence of coup-proofing on intrastate conflict. The theory argues that the capability-reducing practice of coup-proofing can have important domestic consequences. Specifically, the practice can increase the mobilizational potential of would-be insurgents, can reduce the mobilizational capacity of the state, and leaders that are particularly fearful of a coup will likely tolerate the rise of an insurgency.

In 2009, Honduras was affected by a military coup, where the former president Manuel Zelaya was deposed. The coup was supported by the National Congress and the Supreme Court, with the arguments that the action was a necessary act for defending and maintaining the democracy in the country. It is therefore interesting to see what type of regime that has emerged afterwards. The study is analysed by Robert Dahl´s theory about polyarchy and Joakim Ekman´s theory about hybrid regimes since Honduras shows tendencies towards both types of regimes in the present state. The study has three different perspectives regarding the empirical data to obtain a comprehensive picture as possible of what kind of regime that Honduras is considered to be today. The material consists of the national constitution to get a glimpse of the formal aspects of the political shape in the country as well as reports provided by international organizations to get the view from the outside world but the primary material is from interviews with people determined important by the positions in the Honduran civil society. The results display that Honduras has significant democratic elements; free elections and a constitution that recognizes the basic liberties, which according to Dahl meets up with the criteria of a democratic polyarchy. However, the lack of accountability for government institutions, corruption and violations against freedom of speech - where the most affected groups are journalists, human right defenders and indigenous people, indicates that Honduras have more similarities to that what Joakim Ekman refers to as a hybrid regime.

Swan is a multimedia work for conducted ensemble with amplified instruments, electronics and video projections. Swan is about going out: going out to the street, to the club, to a ritual, to a party or a funeral. It’s about real places with real people, but less about the realities of these places and more about their vibe. It’s about getting out of home, the studio, the institution, going to places where people connect and do things, sing, dance, laugh, cry, perform or celebrate. The music of Swan come from ‘outside.’ Swan’s aesthetic is a blend of Turkish/Islamic and pop-cultural elements. The opening section, Korridor, is a drone/ambient movement with a big trance synth part. It is ritual music. It is big, dense, heavy, and it moves slowly, like lava. Karaoke Mahshar is a Turkish Trance-Pop hybrid. It is a very melancholic, dark piece of music. The instrumental choir sing an emotional pop/“fantasy music” (a Turkish genre) melody in unison over a flamboyant electronic track. It’s the soundtrack to a club for the wasted, for emotional after-hours karaoke. The final section, Rod Modell, is a dub-techno influenced ambient movement. It is the sound of a giant, post-apocalyptic mosque - a mosque sunken in chalky waters. This section evolves to a big, stretched monophonic melody, a song from the old times, which finally cadences to an electronically processed “tilâvet”. I started composing Swan in July 2016 in Turkey, before the military coup attempt took place. The work is not programmatic, however, the sound materials I worked with, the musical references and the sonic and visual iconography it incorporates are rather influenced by and derive from the sounds, sights and emotions I experienced during my stay. By the end of my visit, a person who had been very dear to my heart, Ferhunde Köke, had passed away. I recorded the sounds of her burial accompanied by a hafız’s recitation of the Surah Al-Baqarah 2:156 from the Holy Qur’an which I edited, processed and ended this work with.

Orientador: Rafael Salatini Almeida / Resumo: Onze anos de guerra (1963/1973-1974) deixaram marcas indeléveis nos povos africano das colônias portuguesas, em particular de Guiné-Bissau e de Cabo Verde, marcas de quinhentos anos de feroz dominação de colonialistas e imperialismo português, que deixaram como herança países fragmentados e politicamente instáveis, enfraquecidos por conflitos internos. Assim, a presente dissertação procura entender o processo de movimento emancipatória contra o império português para a independência de Guiné-Bissau e Cabo-Verde, e esclarecer algumas dúvidas obscurecidas e distorcidas sobre reais fracassos, limitações e avanços do Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), após a conquista das independências que permitiram emancipação de movimento reajustador de 14 de novembro, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado de 1980. Entender elementos de fragilidade do sistema político de Guiné-Bissau, que permitiram a ruptura democrática de 14 de novembro de 1980, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado que depôs o primeiro presidente da república democraticamente eleito, bem como analisar o governo posterior do presidente João Bernardo Nino Vieira. Nesse sentido, a estratégia metodológica selecionada para aproximar-se do real foi o estudo documental e bibliográfico, isto é, a pesquisa em livros, teses, dissertações, e jornais etc., que apresentam características relevantes do ponto de vista teórico e empírico para o tema. A conclusão que chegamos alimentam a tese de que o fato d... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Eleven years of war (1963/1973-1974) left indelible marks on the African peoples of the Portuguese colonies, in particular Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, marks of five hundred years of ferocious domination of colonialists and Portuguese imperialism, that left as inheritance countries fragmented and politically unstable, weakened by internal conflicts. Thus, this dissertation seeks to understand the process of emancipatory movement against the Portuguese empire for the independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and to clarify some obscured and distorted doubts about the real failures, limitations and advances of the African Party of Guinean Independence and Cape Verde (PAIGC), after the conquest of independence that allowed the emancipation of the readjustment movement of November 14, and consequently the coup d’État of 1980. Understand elements of fragility of the political system of Guinea-Bissau, which allowed the democratic rupture of November 14, 1980, and, consequently, the coup d’État that deposed the first president of the democratically elected republic, as well as analyze the subsequent government of President João Bernardo Nino Vieira. In this sense, the methodological strategy selected to approximate the real was the documentary and bibliographic study, that is, the research in books, theses, dissertations, etc., which present relevant theoretical and empirical characteristics for the subject. Our conclusion is that the fact that the transition and consolidation ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Submitted by BERNARDO JOSÉ ANTONIO PARALTA (bernardo.paralta@gmail.com) on 2018-09-24T14:31:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de mestradoBernardo.pdf: 1073036 bytes, checksum: c4cc55c5d8d5135382771d14af025401 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-24T16:55:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 paralta_bja_me_mar.pdf: 1073036 bytes, checksum: c4cc55c5d8d5135382771d14af025401 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-24T16:55:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 paralta_bja_me_mar.pdf: 1073036 bytes, checksum: c4cc55c5d8d5135382771d14af025401 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Onze anos de guerra (1963/1973-1974) deixaram marcas indeléveis nos povos africano das colônias portuguesas, em particular de Guiné-Bissau e de Cabo Verde, marcas de quinhentos anos de feroz dominação de colonialistas e imperialismo português, que deixaram como herança países fragmentados e politicamente instáveis, enfraquecidos por conflitos internos. Assim, a presente dissertação procura entender o processo de movimento emancipatória contra o império português para a independência de Guiné-Bissau e Cabo-Verde, e esclarecer algumas dúvidas obscurecidas e distorcidas sobre reais fracassos, limitações e avanços do Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), após a conquista das independências que permitiram emancipação de movimento reajustador de 14 de novembro, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado de 1980. Entender elementos de fragilidade do sistema político de Guiné-Bissau, que permitiram a ruptura democrática de 14 de novembro de 1980, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado que depôs o primeiro presidente da república democraticamente eleito, bem como analisar o governo posterior do presidente João Bernardo Nino Vieira. Nesse sentido, a estratégia metodológica selecionada para aproximar-se do real foi o estudo documental e bibliográfico, isto é, a pesquisa em livros, teses, dissertações, e jornais etc., que apresentam características relevantes do ponto de vista teórico e empírico para o tema. A conclusão que chegamos alimentam a tese de que o fato de a transição e consolidação da democrática em Guiné-Bissau terem partido de base de regime militar contribuiu para que houvesse poderosa contradições entre o regime, tanto da primeira como da segunda república, variável que por si só pode oferecer razões para tantos golpes de Estados, e o fracasso na consolidação da democracia em Guiné-Bissau. Acreditamos, contudo, que outros fatores não diretamente relacionado a essa variável ajudam igualmente a explicar as tentativas e os golpes dos anos posteriores. / Eleven years of war (1963/1973-1974) left indelible marks on the African peoples of the Portuguese colonies, in particular Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, marks of five hundred years of ferocious domination of colonialists and Portuguese imperialism, that left as inheritance countries fragmented and politically unstable, weakened by internal conflicts. Thus, this dissertation seeks to understand the process of emancipatory movement against the Portuguese empire for the independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and to clarify some obscured and distorted doubts about the real failures, limitations and advances of the African Party of Guinean Independence and Cape Verde (PAIGC), after the conquest of independence that allowed the emancipation of the readjustment movement of November 14, and consequently the coup d’État of 1980. Understand elements of fragility of the political system of Guinea-Bissau, which allowed the democratic rupture of November 14, 1980, and, consequently, the coup d’État that deposed the first president of the democratically elected republic, as well as analyze the subsequent government of President João Bernardo Nino Vieira. In this sense, the methodological strategy selected to approximate the real was the documentary and bibliographic study, that is, the research in books, theses, dissertations, etc., which present relevant theoretical and empirical characteristics for the subject. Our conclusion is that the fact that the transition and consolidation of democracy in Guinea-Bissau started from a military regime has contributed to the existence of powerful contradictions between the regime of both the first and second republics, it can only offer reasons for so many coups, and the failure to consolidate democracy in Guinea-Bissau. We believe, however, that other factors not directly related to this variable also help explain the attempts and the blows of later years.

This thesis analyses speeches by Charles XIII of Sweden to the Assembly of the Estates from 1809 to 1818, showing how Charles legitimised himself, the new regime he represented and his two successors, Charles August, and Charles John. The legitimisation focuses on the rhetorical meaning that Charles chronologically gives to the key concepts he utilises in independence, citizens, and freedom and how this relates to the periods before his rule. The thesis shows that independence was the key concept of Charles’ legitimisation as he constructed a myth around the Coup d’état of 1809, why it was needed and why the new ruling system and constitution he represented was legitimate. This was also connected to the concept of citizens and freedom, where Charles acknowledges and recognises that citizens have the authority to decide the nation’s future freely, and to uphold the freedom that belonged to their ancestors. Charles's role as king was to protect the nation's independence and the authority and freedom of its citizens. Charles presented contrasting images for the two successors, with Charles August not needing or having much legitimisation due to his early demise and lack of action being legitimised as a promise for a better future. For Charles John, his legitimisation comes in two forms: he would continue the example of a constitutional monarch that Charles had shown and as a warrior king who, through his military actions, deserved the throne more than any before him. The thesis concludes by showing that Charles legitimised his power as king by embracing the constitutional monarchy, expressing that he and Charles John would protect the independence and freedom of the Swedish citizens and their authority guaranteed by the constitution.

Ce travail de recherche porte sur le processus historique ayant abouti à la formation de l’État libyen et de la nation libyenne. Tout au long de cette étude, nous nous sommes efforcés de dévoiler, entre autres choses, les rouages de ce processus de construction, et pour ce faire, avons analysé les grandes étapes s’étant déroulées entre 1911 et 2011. Dans ce cadre, notre attention s’est portée notamment sur les processus de construction de l’identité libyenne, ainsi que sur les mouvements de constitution d’organisations politiques et d’institutions étatiques. De même, cette thèse a-t-elle tenté de présenter les différents régimes politiques et les différents modes d’organisation du pouvoir politique ayant été mis en place durant la période indiquée, en accordant une place à l’étude du rôle joué par les groupes tribaux ainsi qu’à celle des différents dirigeants s’étant succédé à la tête de la Libye. Par ailleurs, un autre objectif de notre recherche a été de présenter le contexte politique, économique, social (que ce soit au niveau régional, national ou international) dans lequel s’est déroulé le processus de construction de l’État libyen, y compris durant ces dernières décennies, marquées par le régime de M. Kadhafi. En précisant que, pour chaque mode de gouvernance ayant été en place, les effets positifs et négatifs de ces derniers sur la société libyenne ont été analysés à la lumière de références historiques précises. / This research focuses on the historical process, leading to the formation of the Libyan State and of the Libyan nation. Throughout this study, we tried to reveal, among other things, the workings of this construction process. In this objective, we have analyzed the milestones that took place between 1911 and 2011. In this context, our attention has been mainly focused on the Libyan identity construction process, as well as on the constitution of political organizations and state institutions. This thesis also tried to present the different political systems, and the different originations of power, implemented during the period indicated. We also studied the role of tribal groups, and the personality of the different leaders who have controlled Libya. Furthermore, another objective of our research has been to present the political, economic and social context (on the regional, national and international levels), in which took place the construction of the Libyan State, including during in recent decades, marked by the regime of M. Gaddafi. Noting that, for each mode of governance, the positive and negative effects on Libyan society have been analyzed, in the light of specific historical references.