published_or_final_version / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Since the day Saudi Arabia was founded, its highly centralised and paramilitary police organisation remained immune to scrutiny, and police performance and their relationship with the public have remained uncharted territories.  But lately, in response to leaking reports about rising crime levels and an escalating social control crisis, writers affiliated to the police organisation were quick to deny that a real crime problem exists.  However, some of those writers do admit that a serious social disorder problem is now brewing, and they find an urgent need to address the crisis.  According to them, any effective response requires a community orientated policing strategy to be applied immediately, even without debate or planning. The statement above raises three important questions.  First, does a social control problem really exist? Secondly, if yes, would a community policing (CP) approach address it?  And third, are the police and the public ready for change? To answer those questions, quantitative and qualitative data have been collected from a wide range of sources.  Results obtained from the data show clearly that the police are not the effective crime fighters they claim they are.  Further, although it has been found that the Saudi policing system is not without problems, a community policing approach, at least in the sense it is understood in the west, is incompatible with the Saudi culture.  Reasons for this incompatibility have been examined, and suggestions to improve the Saudi police performance have been made.

Thesis (M.M. (Public Policy))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2016. / The levels of crime and violence in South Africa are at a very alarming and concerning rate. It is against this background that, this situation is treated as a matter of urgency by the South African presidency, government departments, civil society organisations and business sector to prevent and decreace the possibility of ruined socio-economic development in South Africa. Heedful to the status quo of the South African crime levels, the implementing of the integrated social crime prevention strategy was approved by the Sourth African presidency as a comprehensive and an appropriate framework to deal with the high levels of crime and to create opportunities for safety in South Africa (Presidency, 2010). The goal of this study was to explore the inherent approaches to implementing the integrated social crime prevention strategy in South Africa. In exploring this goal and objectives of the study, the researcher used Tech’s (in Creswell, 1994) data analysis framework to identify appropriate approaches to implementing the integrated social crime prevention strategy in South Africa. The findings in the study have shown that alternative approaches are crititical to implementing the integrated social crime prevention stategy in South Africa to foster integrated and collaborative delivery of services by all government department, civil society otganisation and private sector. It is also evident that, the recommendations of this study can be used as a guideline by different sectors to improve the implementation of the strategy in South Africa. The following are the key words used throughout the study: approach, implementation, integrated, social crime prevention and strategy which answered the primary research question: What are the inherent approaches to implementing the integrated social crime prevention strategy in South Africa. These words are defined in chaper one (1). / DH2016

李卓偉. / "2010年9月". / "2010 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-176). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Zhuowei. / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 / Chapter 1. --- 研究意義 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 研究方法 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前人研究回顧 / Chapter 1. --- 法制史研究 --- p.7 / Chapter 2. --- 政治史研究 --- p.12 / Chapter 3. --- 二十一世紀新的研究趨向 --- p.18 / Chapter 第三章 --- 釋「盜賊」´ؤ兩漢時期的意義和用法 / Chapter 1. --- 兩漢時期「盜賊」釋義 --- p.23 / Chapter 2. --- 兩漢時期的「盜賊」和「盜」、「賊」釋義 --- p.32 / Chapter 3. --- 兩漢時期的「盜賊」和「群盜」、「大賊」 --- p.36 / Chapter 4. --- 兩漢時期的「盜賊」和「兗州」關連 --- p.41 / Chapter 第四章 --- 兗州吏治與盜賊防治 / Chapter 1. --- 吏治得失與防、治盜賊 --- p.45 / Chapter 2. --- 制度中防、治盜賊的成份 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 官吏施政與盜賊防、治 --- p.56 / Chapter 4. --- 監察制度與盜賊防、治 --- p.60 / Chapter 第五章 --- 減災措施與盜賊防治 / Chapter 1. --- 兗州的災害特點 --- p.67 / Chapter 2. --- 減災建設的管理情況 --- p.72 / Chapter 3. --- 隄、城 --- p.74 / Chapter 4. --- 渠、陂 --- p.79 / Chapter 第六章 --- 盜賊防治與糧食供應 / Chapter 1. --- 糧食供應與盜賊防治 --- p.83 / Chapter 2. --- 地方農業管理 --- p.88 / Chapter 3. --- 農作物類別 --- p.91 / Chapter 4. --- 耕種方法 --- p.97 / Chapter 第七章 --- 總結 --- p.104 / 參考書目 / 附表 / 附表一:盜賊地域分佈表 / 附表二:兩漢時期統治者防治盜賊方法統計表 / 附表三:兩漢時期的文字記載中達致盜賊日少的方法統計表 / 附表四:兩漢時期盜賊成因統計表 / 附表五:《二年律令》中「盜」的行為 / 附表六:《二年律令》中「賊」的行為 / 附表七:兩漢時期兗州郡縣增廢比較 / 附表八:兩漢時期兗州刺史出身 / 附表九:兩漢時期兗州刺史出身統計表 / 附表十:兩漢時期兗州國相出身 / 附表十一:兩漢時期兗州國相出身統計表 / 附表十二:兩漢時期兗州郡守出身 / 附表十三:兩漢時期兗州郡守出身統計表 / 附表十四:兩漢時期兗州縣令、長出身 / 附表十五:兩漢時期兗州縣令、長出身統計表 / 附表十六:兩漢時期兗州尉出身 / 附表十七:西漢末期徐州東海郡尹灣尉出身 / 附表十八:兩漢時期兗州尉、尹灣尉出身對照統計表 / 附表十九:兩漢時期兗州游徼與別州游徼出身對照表 / 附表二十:西漢至東漢時期兗州與別州亭長出身 / 附表二十一:兩漢時期兗州地域的出土文物 / 附表二十二:現今出土的兩漢時期兗州遺址 / 附圖 / 圖例(圖一至圖四) / 圖一:西漢時期兗州疆域和水系 / 圖二:東漢時期兗州疆域和水系 / 圖三:兩漢時期兗州疆域比較 / 圖四:兩漢時期的兗州地域和現今城市對照 / 圖五:山東嘉祥汲水屠宰畫像石 / 圖六:山東嘉祥汲水庖廚畫像石 / 圖七:山東微山輾轤庖廚畫像石 / 圖八:山東微山庖廚畫像石 / 圖九:山東嘉祥庖廚汲水畫像石 / 圖十:山東長清汲水庖廚畫像石 / 圖十一:山東微山騎士圖 / 圖十二:陝西省米脂縣牛耕圖 / 圖十三:山東沂南北寨村豐收宴享圖 / 圖十四:山東省滕縣黃家岭耕耱圖 / 圖十五:山東枣莊捕魚圖 / 圖十六:兩城山漁獵圖 / 圖十七:兩城山漁獵圖 / 圖十八:兩城山漁獵圖 / 圖十九:山東微山捕魚圖 / 圖二十:莒縣石闕畫像捕魚圖 / 圖二十一:兩城山漁獵圖 / 圖二十二:莒縣石闕畫像捕魚圖 / 圖二十三:濟寧、枣莊牛耕圖 / 圖二十四:濟寧、枣莊騎士圖

Social Disorganization Theory (SDT) stated that in poor and unstable neighbourhoods, residents may have difficulty developing and maintaining social order, due to the weaknesses of their social networks and the infrequent exercise of informal control. As a consequence, in those areas criminal victimization tends to be high and persists over time. Latin American poor neighbourhoods are often characterised by high residential stability, dense informal networks, strong social cohesion, and yet they often have high levels of violent crime, which constitutes a challenge for SDT. Studies from new ecological approaches have asserted that even if informal networks are weak, neighbours can engage in actions to prevent crimes when the form of intervention is appropriately targeted and the activity is conducted in a partnership with agencies of public control, such as the police or local authorities. Thereby, the general distrust in police and local authorities, and the weak nexus between those institutions and local communities, which characterize most poor areas of Latin-American cities, represent relevant obstacles for the encouragement of neighbours' involvement in crime prevention initiatives. Despite the low rates of violent crimes in Chile, global figures tend to hide how complex the crime phenomenon is in the country, and particularly in Santiago city. In the capital and largest city of Chile, the distribution of High-Social-Impact crimes is highly unequal with a greater concentration of violent crimes in the most marginalized and poorest districts of the city. In this context is worth asking, to what extent do neighbourhood structural conditions, community-organizational mechanisms and new forms of public control influence the experiences of violent and property victimization in households of Santiago neighbourhoods? And, to what extent do such mechanisms mediate the relationship between structural conditions and the likelihood of being victim of a crime in Santiago neighbourhoods? To address these questions, the present study draws on an integral theoretical framework aimed at providing a holistic multilevel approach to explaining victimization risk across Santiago neighbourhoods. Data for this study are drawn from a community-survey of 5,860 persons (from 15 to 90 years old) who lived in 242 selected neighbourhoods of the Santiago city. The survey was conducted in 2010 by the Centre for Studies on Citizen Security (CESC), based at the University of Chile, in the context of their research project 'Crime and Urban Violence'. The hierarchical structure of the data (incorporating both individual and neighbourhood level measures) and the adaptation of internationally validated measurements, presents an excellent opportunity to evaluate complex hypothesis with advanced statistical tools. The research has shown that in neighbourhoods with a high concentration of poverty and low residential stability the probability of being a victim of violent crime is greater than in rich areas. However, when people manifest positive sentiments toward their neighbourhood, perceive collaboration and social cohesion among neighbours, and have positive perceptions with respect to police responses, this largely mediates the negative effects of structural conditions on household victimization by violent crimes, thereby eliminating these effects. These findings have important policy implications. They suggest that in disadvantaged communities it is imperative that police and local authorities not only try to reduce crime through traditional approaches, but also improve trust and engagement of the public aiming to build sustainable partnerships.

This thesis is a critical approach to the concept of fear of crime. It is not necessarily a call for an end to the study of fear of crime. From a genealogical perspective, the thesis first traces the proliferation of academic, governmental and popular interests in the fear of crime in three Western democracies; and secondly explains how this interest has affected both the subjects of inquiry and the very modes of inquiry themselves. It investigates historically the emergence of fear of crime as a set of discourses in the human sciences and in government and explores the ways in which these various institutions have imagined the subjects of their inquiries. It also discusses the ways in which fear of crime has become a discourse within popular culture and the mass media, and explores why gender is a potent signifier in fear of crime research. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>Crime prevention became an important Union issue when the Treaty of Amsterdam came into force and created an area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). In 1999 the Tampere Conclusions declared the first crime preventive priorities along with the Union’s obligation to protect its citizens. Two years later the European Crime Prevention Network (EUCPN) was established and it was then stated that crime prevention should be based on knowledge and carried out through cooperation and an increased inter-state exchange of information. The Member States have the main responsibility and the work should be carried out by a multidisciplinary approach specialising on certain selected priorities. Successful practices need to be exchanged within the network and evaluation of the preventive work must be done. Despite these and other guidelines, crime preventive work has proven to be problematic. The practical problems are that proven theories are not used in the actual work, the lack of resources and evaluation methods, and too broad priorities which reflects the politicians’ unrealistic ambitions. The theoretical problems, in contrast, are the increased importance for security that collides with basic human rights and the concept of freedom, the lack of consideration for the States’ differences and the idea that States’ providence of security is a source of legitimacy.</p>

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Crime prevention became an important Union issue when the Treaty of Amsterdam came into force and created an area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). In 1999 the Tampere Conclusions declared the first crime preventive priorities along with the Union’s obligation to protect its citizens. Two years later the European Crime Prevention Network (EUCPN) was established and it was then stated that crime prevention should be based on knowledge and carried out through cooperation and an increased inter-state exchange of information. The Member States have the main responsibility and the work should be carried out by a multidisciplinary approach specialising on certain selected priorities. Successful practices need to be exchanged within the network and evaluation of the preventive work must be done. Despite these and other guidelines, crime preventive work has proven to be problematic. The practical problems are that proven theories are not used in the actual work, the lack of resources and evaluation methods, and too broad priorities which reflects the politicians’ unrealistic ambitions. The theoretical problems, in contrast, are the increased importance for security that collides with basic human rights and the concept of freedom, the lack of consideration for the States’ differences and the idea that States’ providence of security is a source of legitimacy.

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