In this dissertation, the denaturalization of migrants in the US and Italy as represented in newspaper crime reports was identified and compared to the opposing naturalization of Italian crime organizations in Italy and Wall Street/ corporate criminals in the US. This was accomplished through careful, multidisciplinary, scientific analysis of over 100 articles taken from Italian and US newspapers of assorted political tendencies from the years 2004-2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods were combined beginning with a corpus analysis of texts from each group studied followed by a topic analysis designed to identify topics discussed in the media for each group analyzed. In addition, lexical choices were categorized as denaturalization, naturalization or derogation, and examples from texts were examined in depth to reveal linguistic (such as metaphor) strategies involved in negative or positive representation of these groups. A Critical Discourse Analysis Approach combined with Social Semiotics and grounded in Social Identity and Nationalism theories was employed to reveal an underlying racist and xenophobic ideology in both Italian and US media. Results show that in both the United States and Italy, the highlighting of migrants' lack of proficiency in the host country language as well as cultural practices functions as evidence of how migrants are different thus justifying discriminatory practices against them. The resulting categorization of migrants as "Them" serves the dominant group's purpose of staying in power. In conclusion, the author points to a need for teacher educators in the field of second language education and literacy to make it a top priority to educate teachers and students as to how discourse contains underlying ideologies and how to think critically to de-construct and de-mystify them.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-04-24T14:36:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vinicius Novais Gonçalves de Andrade.pdf: 2691872 bytes, checksum: 4a4aa37df4d3391d5dae8ffe25627546 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-24T14:36:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vinicius Novais Gonçalves de Andrade.pdf: 2691872 bytes, checksum: 4a4aa37df4d3391d5dae8ffe25627546 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-15 / The effects of violence against transgender people (specially transvestites and transsexuals) are nothing but pernicious. When the gender factor is analyzed with reference to other social markers, such as race and ethnicity, sexuality and social class, inequalities are accentuated in the form of hierarchies of power and subjection/oppression. This research seeks its theoretical and epistemological foundations in the studies of gender and sexuality based on the references of social constructionism, queer studies, feminisms and intersectionality, finding in Social Psychology, from a critical and political point of view, its voice, one of dispute with some (de)naturalizing, (de)essentializing and (non)universalizing discourses in Psychology. This is an investigation designed with empirical and documentary contours (both quantitatively and qualitatively), with the objective of analyzing transphobia in Brazil based on crime reports and how they are dealt with in the criminal justice system, as well as of the relations between knowledge-powerssubjectivities in the production / maintenance of transphobic violence. This paper considers the crime reports and complaints against the LGBT community received by “Disque Direitos Humanos”, a hotline intended to deal with the report of crimes against human rights, in 2014. It focuses on the monitoring of the reports as well as of a criminal case. The methodologies adopted consisted of two: Thematic Analysis and Discourse Analysis as well as (other) practices inspired by the work of Michel Foucault. The results of the research allowed us to problematize the structure and functioning of the hotline “Disque Direitos Humanos”, showing its difficulties and failures, especially regarding the destination and monitoring of the crime reports. The results suggested that, because transgender people break with the supposed linearity of the sex, gender and sexual orientation sequence, they are compulsorily sent to the margins of society; exposed (more often than not) to the dangers of the night and prostitution just as to various forms of violence, occupying, hierarchically, places of subordination and subjection. Exerted and clearly expressed transphobia is considered here as the effect of discourses and other (social) practices, such as the forbiddance of transgender people to come and go as freely as they want due to territorial dispute; the fact of not being considered human beings for a whole day, only being allowed to come out during the night; the suffering of psychological/symbolic violence through insults, curses, humiliations, threats to life and / or silences; institutional violence (both physical and sexual) and finally, in many cases, murders. The effects of multiple intersectional violence in the daily lives of transgender people are considered, then, devastating. Brazil offers many examples of such violence, since it is the country where transvestites, transsexuals and other subjects with "dissident" gender identities or not binary, are killed the most frequently. When so many demand the end of the existence of a non-cisgender, non-heterosexual, non-white body and it remains alive, such act of survival must be regarded as a political attitude of resistance. Consequently, it is vital to (re) think about changes, discursive (re)significations in Psychology and in everyday social practices, considering no longer the impossibility of transgender people leading a full life, but their possibilities of existence as legitimate and human bodies. / São nefastos os efeitos das violências cometidas contra pessoas trans (travestis e transexuais). Quando intersseccionado gênero com outros marcadores sociais, como raça e etnia, sexualidade e classe social, mostram-se acentuadas as desigualdades, hierarquias de poder e de sujeição/opressão. Esta pesquisa buscou subsídios teórico-epistemológicos nos estudos de gênero e sexualidade a partir dos referenciais do construcionismo social, estudos queer, dos feminismos e da interseccionalidade, encontrando na Psicologia Social, por um viés crítico e político, o seu lugar de fala, de disputa por discursos (des)naturalizantes, (des)essencializantes e (des)universalizantes na Psicologia. Esta é uma investigação desenhada com contornos empíricos (quantitativa e qualitativamente) e documental, que teve como objetivo a análise da transfobia brasileira a partir de denúncias e de seus fluxos no sistema de justiça; das relações entre saberes-poderes-subjetividades na produção/manutenção da violência transfóbica. Buscou-se, assim, analisar as denúncias recebidas pelo Disque Direitos Humanos, módulo LGBT, no ano de 2014, relatórios de monitoramento do mesmo serviço e um processo criminal. Os focos metodológicos adotados consistiram em dois: Análise Temática e Análises de Discurso e (outras) práticas com ‘inspiração’ em Michel Foucault. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram problematizar a estrutura e funcionamento do Disque Direitos Humanos mostrando suas dificuldades e falhas, principalmente no que tange ao encaminhamento e monitoramento das denúncias. Os resultados sugeriram que, por romperem com a suposta linearidade da sequência sexo, gênero e orientação sexual, pessoas trans são direcionadas compulsoriamente à margem da sociedade; expostas (muitas vezes) à noite e à prostituição e a diversas modalidades de violência ocupando, hierarquicamente, lugares de subordinação e assujeitamento. Analisou-se a transfobia operada e manifesta como efeito de discursos e (outras) práticas sociais, como a impossibilidade de ir-e-vir dxs trans, por questões de territorialidade; de não serem consideradxs seres humanos por todo um dia; pela violência psicológica/simbólica por via de insultos, termos de baixo calão, humilhações, ameaças à vida e/ou silêncios; violência institucional; física; sexual e, em muitos casos, os assassinatos. Considera-se, portanto, que são graves os efeitos de múltiplas violências interseccionais presentes no cotidiano de pessoas trans, sendo o Brasil um exemplo desse processo, país em que mais se mata travestis, transexuais e outros sujeitos com identidades de gênero “dissidentes” ou não binárias. Quando um coletivo de vozes brada pelo fim da existência de um corpo não cisgênero, não heterossexual e não branco e esse permanece vivo, devemos considerar este ato de sobrevivência como uma atitude política e de resistência. Nesse sentido, deve-se (re)pensar mudanças, (re)significações discursivas na Psicologia e nas práticas sociais cotidianas, considerando não mais a impossibilidade de vida das pessoas trans mas, sim, nas suas possibilidades de existência como um corpo legítimo e humano.

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Le 29 juillet 1881, la loi sur la liberté de la presse marque le point de départ d’un développement sans précédent de la presse écrite en France. Un développement qui amène cette presse à jouer un rôle désormais essentiel dans la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de tous les français. Très rapidement, la presse du Puy-de-Dôme profite de ce bouleversement institutionnel pour se développer à son tour. Parallèlement au succès des romans feuilletons, l’actualité criminelle devient alors un des atouts commerciaux majeurs de cette presse écrite devenue populaire, et ce depuis le début des années 1860 et la naissance du Petit Journal. Tous les moyens sont bons pour faire voir à son lectorat. Les dépêches ne suffisent plus, il faut désormais se déplacer, enquêter, s’interroger et révéler, avec ou sans la collaboration des autorités judiciaires. En effet, la criminalité a depuis toujours suscité au sein de la population un éventail d’émotions aussi diverses que la peur, le dégoût, la curiosité, la réprobation et la fascination. En réponse à ces émotions, les révélations et les jugements d’actes criminels sont l’occasion pour la presse de multiplier les éloges ou d’émettre des critiques vis-à-vis du système politique et judiciaire, de s’inquiéter de la déchéance des valeurs morales, de s’effrayer des menaces anarchistes et des monstres tapis dans les ruelles et les champs. Plus que de simples outils d’information et de politisation, les journaux deviennent alors par le biais de l’actualité criminelle le relais des interrogations et des convictions de toute une société. Le but de cette réflexion est de mettre en avant les spécificités de cette représentation médiatique de la criminalité en insistant sur sa dimension provinciale et sur son évolution, des premières années du Second Empire aux dernières heures de la Belle Époque. / On July 29th 1881, the law on the freedom of the press marked the starting point of an unprecedented development in the French written press which led to its playing what then became an essential role in the social, political and cultural life of all French people. Before long, the press in Puy-de-Dôme benefited from this development, to evolve in the same way. In parallel with the success crime reports brought to serialised fiction, these crime reports became one of the major commercial assets of this newly popular written press, and had done so in particular from the beginning of the 1860s and the founding of the Petit Journal. Newspapers would stop at nothing to show the readership what was involved; dispatches no longer sufficed. From then on it became necessary to go and see, investigate, reason things out and disclose information, with or without the collaboration of the judicial authorities. Indeed, crime has always aroused a wide range of emotions in people such as fear, disgust, curiosity, reprobation and fascination. In response to these emotions, the revelations of and verdicts given for criminal acts provided the press with an opportunity to endlessly praise or else to express criticism of the political and legal system, to show concern about the decline in moral values and to be scared of anarchistic threats and of monsters hiding in alleyways and fields. More than being simple informational or politicizing tools, newspapers, through crime reports, then became the indispensable relay of the questionings and convictions of society as a whole. The aim of this reflection is to highlight the specificities of this media representation of crime while insisting on the form it took in the provinces and on its evolution in the first few years of the Second Empire and the final hours of the Belle Époque.