This thesis constitutes a site for New Zealand-born Samoans to explore issues of ethnic identity. The emphasis is on the process of the Samoanising of christianity, and hegemonic identity discourses of not only the dominant society but of island-born Samoans and elders, and how this contributes to New Zealand-born Samoan self perceptions. A socio-historical overview provides an understanding of the process in which New Zealand born Samoans have been positioned. The stories and narratives of a group of New Zealandborn Samoans concerning their life experiences provide valuable insights into their 'identity journeys'--the construction of ethnic identity through experimenting with subject positions over time, as a result of challenges to their percieved self-identities. For some, this journey ends with a secured identity--a self-satisfying ethnic identity as a New Zealand-born Samoan--others remain in a perpetual state of conscious or subconscious identity confusion. More specifically the thesis seeks to provide an understanding and an interpretation of the way fa'aSamoa, church, and life in New Zealand impacts on life choices and on the construction of the self, and secured identities. The identity journey is analysed as a ritual and a series of rites of passage in order to expose the structure of identity confusion, and to examine the dichotomy of chaos and conflict within an apparently ordered society, experienced by New Zealand-born Samoans during their identity journeys.The thesis is therefore underpinned by Samoan conceptual frameworks involved in this identity journey, and aims to consciousness-raise and emancipate by exposing, understanding and reclaiming the links between fa'aSamoa, church, and a New Zealand born Samoan identity.The thesis represents an 'ie toga, because like a fine mat being woven, the strands of Samoan history, fa'aSamoa and Samoan contemporary lifeways, and their interaction with 'others' interconnect to inform Samoan identity. It is thus presented with respect, gratitude, deference, recognition and obligation, a tangible symbol of an alliance and an exchange with all Samoans and others. As the wellspring of my Samoan identity, in its creativity in design and fineness of weave, I hope that this 'ie toga will be received as a source of identity, history and wealth.

This thesis constitutes a site for New Zealand-born Samoans to explore issues of ethnic identity. The emphasis is on the process of the Samoanising of christianity, and hegemonic identity discourses of not only the dominant society but of island-born Samoans and elders, and how this contributes to New Zealand-born Samoan self perceptions. A socio-historical overview provides an understanding of the process in which New Zealand born Samoans have been positioned. The stories and narratives of a group of New Zealandborn Samoans concerning their life experiences provide valuable insights into their 'identity journeys'--the construction of ethnic identity through experimenting with subject positions over time, as a result of challenges to their percieved self-identities. For some, this journey ends with a secured identity--a self-satisfying ethnic identity as a New Zealand-born Samoan--others remain in a perpetual state of conscious or subconscious identity confusion. More specifically the thesis seeks to provide an understanding and an interpretation of the way fa'aSamoa, church, and life in New Zealand impacts on life choices and on the construction of the self, and secured identities. The identity journey is analysed as a ritual and a series of rites of passage in order to expose the structure of identity confusion, and to examine the dichotomy of chaos and conflict within an apparently ordered society, experienced by New Zealand-born Samoans during their identity journeys.The thesis is therefore underpinned by Samoan conceptual frameworks involved in this identity journey, and aims to consciousness-raise and emancipate by exposing, understanding and reclaiming the links between fa'aSamoa, church, and a New Zealand born Samoan identity.The thesis represents an 'ie toga, because like a fine mat being woven, the strands of Samoan history, fa'aSamoa and Samoan contemporary lifeways, and their interaction with 'others' interconnect to inform Samoan identity. It is thus presented with respect, gratitude, deference, recognition and obligation, a tangible symbol of an alliance and an exchange with all Samoans and others. As the wellspring of my Samoan identity, in its creativity in design and fineness of weave, I hope that this 'ie toga will be received as a source of identity, history and wealth.

This thesis constitutes a site for New Zealand-born Samoans to explore issues of ethnic identity. The emphasis is on the process of the Samoanising of christianity, and hegemonic identity discourses of not only the dominant society but of island-born Samoans and elders, and how this contributes to New Zealand-born Samoan self perceptions. A socio-historical overview provides an understanding of the process in which New Zealand born Samoans have been positioned. The stories and narratives of a group of New Zealandborn Samoans concerning their life experiences provide valuable insights into their 'identity journeys'--the construction of ethnic identity through experimenting with subject positions over time, as a result of challenges to their percieved self-identities. For some, this journey ends with a secured identity--a self-satisfying ethnic identity as a New Zealand-born Samoan--others remain in a perpetual state of conscious or subconscious identity confusion. More specifically the thesis seeks to provide an understanding and an interpretation of the way fa'aSamoa, church, and life in New Zealand impacts on life choices and on the construction of the self, and secured identities. The identity journey is analysed as a ritual and a series of rites of passage in order to expose the structure of identity confusion, and to examine the dichotomy of chaos and conflict within an apparently ordered society, experienced by New Zealand-born Samoans during their identity journeys.The thesis is therefore underpinned by Samoan conceptual frameworks involved in this identity journey, and aims to consciousness-raise and emancipate by exposing, understanding and reclaiming the links between fa'aSamoa, church, and a New Zealand born Samoan identity.The thesis represents an 'ie toga, because like a fine mat being woven, the strands of Samoan history, fa'aSamoa and Samoan contemporary lifeways, and their interaction with 'others' interconnect to inform Samoan identity. It is thus presented with respect, gratitude, deference, recognition and obligation, a tangible symbol of an alliance and an exchange with all Samoans and others. As the wellspring of my Samoan identity, in its creativity in design and fineness of weave, I hope that this 'ie toga will be received as a source of identity, history and wealth.

This thesis constitutes a site for New Zealand-born Samoans to explore issues of ethnic identity. The emphasis is on the process of the Samoanising of christianity, and hegemonic identity discourses of not only the dominant society but of island-born Samoans and elders, and how this contributes to New Zealand-born Samoan self perceptions. A socio-historical overview provides an understanding of the process in which New Zealand born Samoans have been positioned. The stories and narratives of a group of New Zealandborn Samoans concerning their life experiences provide valuable insights into their 'identity journeys'--the construction of ethnic identity through experimenting with subject positions over time, as a result of challenges to their percieved self-identities. For some, this journey ends with a secured identity--a self-satisfying ethnic identity as a New Zealand-born Samoan--others remain in a perpetual state of conscious or subconscious identity confusion. More specifically the thesis seeks to provide an understanding and an interpretation of the way fa'aSamoa, church, and life in New Zealand impacts on life choices and on the construction of the self, and secured identities. The identity journey is analysed as a ritual and a series of rites of passage in order to expose the structure of identity confusion, and to examine the dichotomy of chaos and conflict within an apparently ordered society, experienced by New Zealand-born Samoans during their identity journeys.The thesis is therefore underpinned by Samoan conceptual frameworks involved in this identity journey, and aims to consciousness-raise and emancipate by exposing, understanding and reclaiming the links between fa'aSamoa, church, and a New Zealand born Samoan identity.The thesis represents an 'ie toga, because like a fine mat being woven, the strands of Samoan history, fa'aSamoa and Samoan contemporary lifeways, and their interaction with 'others' interconnect to inform Samoan identity. It is thus presented with respect, gratitude, deference, recognition and obligation, a tangible symbol of an alliance and an exchange with all Samoans and others. As the wellspring of my Samoan identity, in its creativity in design and fineness of weave, I hope that this 'ie toga will be received as a source of identity, history and wealth.

This study looked at the experience of religion and the formation of a contemporary ethnoreligious identity in the lives of first generation Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women who have been residents of Canada for five to ten years. The present research explored the life experiences of Muslim immigrants from Pakistan who immigrated to Canada with their immediate families and resolved the ensuing cultural dislocation. In order to understand the subjective meanings of immigrants’ lived experiences in Canada, the present study used a Grounded Theory framework. The analysis of data revealed a four stage theory of Muslim identity formation. Those stages describe the step-by-step process that highlights immigrants’ experience of culture shock, resolution of culture shock through immigrants’ reaffirmation of their religion that lays the groundwork for an authentic identity through differentiation of self from their country of origin, and formation of an authentic Muslim identity in the host society. It is proposed that the resolution of culture shock and the creation of a post-immigration identity mirrors the developmental process of Differentiation of Self and Other as outlined by Watson (2011) in her process model of becoming a self-governing person. Using their faith as a key resource to cope, these immigrants achieve a renewed sense of self and a revitalized faith. Immigrants come to an enhanced appreciation of Islam as the best system of life for themselves. An improved relationship with faith enhances immigrants’ awareness about the actual philosophy of its system and helps immigrants internalize the desirable Muslim character traits which focus on altruism, modesty, tolerance, fairness, forgiveness, and inclusion. Internalizing the pro social values of Islam brings about a fundamental shift in these immigrants’ perspectives about self and the host society. They successfully differentiate themselves from their country of origin to thrive in their adopted country. Canada provides them a conducive context which helps them access their positive potential in becoming their ideal self, the true Muslims. They come to an increased appreciation of the new society and accept it as their new home, thus form a new identity that speaks for the authentic version of Islam.

This study looked at the experience of religion and the formation of a contemporary ethnoreligious identity in the lives of first generation Pakistani Muslim immigrant men and women who have been residents of Canada for five to ten years. The present research explored the life experiences of Muslim immigrants from Pakistan who immigrated to Canada with their immediate families and resolved the ensuing cultural dislocation. In order to understand the subjective meanings of immigrants’ lived experiences in Canada, the present study used a Grounded Theory framework. The analysis of data revealed a four stage theory of Muslim identity formation. Those stages describe the step-by-step process that highlights immigrants’ experience of culture shock, resolution of culture shock through immigrants’ reaffirmation of their religion that lays the groundwork for an authentic identity through differentiation of self from their country of origin, and formation of an authentic Muslim identity in the host society. It is proposed that the resolution of culture shock and the creation of a post-immigration identity mirrors the developmental process of Differentiation of Self and Other as outlined by Watson (2011) in her process model of becoming a self-governing person. Using their faith as a key resource to cope, these immigrants achieve a renewed sense of self and a revitalized faith. Immigrants come to an enhanced appreciation of Islam as the best system of life for themselves. An improved relationship with faith enhances immigrants’ awareness about the actual philosophy of its system and helps immigrants internalize the desirable Muslim character traits which focus on altruism, modesty, tolerance, fairness, forgiveness, and inclusion. Internalizing the pro social values of Islam brings about a fundamental shift in these immigrants’ perspectives about self and the host society. They successfully differentiate themselves from their country of origin to thrive in their adopted country. Canada provides them a conducive context which helps them access their positive potential in becoming their ideal self, the true Muslims. They come to an increased appreciation of the new society and accept it as their new home, thus form a new identity that speaks for the authentic version of Islam.

Frederick Jones, Minister of Defence during World War II, was responsible for the transportation to New Zealand of the foreign-born wives and fiancées of New Zealand servicemen. Between 1942 and 1948 servicemen returning from theatres of war in Europe, the Middle East and the Pacific brought over 3000 wives and 700 fiancées to New Zealand. Portrayed as homogeneous, young, working-class British housewives who made hasty ill-considered marriages, war brides, in fact, proved to be varied in origin, age, occupation and education. Whirlwind romances and short courtships were not the norm. This thesis examines the consequences of the decision to marry a New Zealander and migrate and the impact of the journey and settlement. The full glare of publicity that greeted war brides on arrival focused attention on their compatibility with, and adaptability to, the receiving society. Adjustment was however fraught with difficulties. Memory and loss are implicit in the experience of migration. War brides expressed this in terms of the rift with their pasts and a lack of shared memories. On arrival in New Zealand war brides dispersed around the country in an extreme 'pepper-potting' pattern. When their only connection with New Zealand was their locally-born husband they suffered social isolation and sometimes a devastating sense of loneliness. The resulting marginalisation they experienced was evident in their oral history narratives. Ambivalence and recourse to serendipity as an explanation for past actions were elements of the dis-composure discernable in narratives. In spite of their varied religious, social and class backgrounds, this diverse cohort formed a war bride identity based on shared experience rather than national or ethnic origin. Far from dissipating, their war-bride identity has been consolidated into an enduring image most tangibly expressed in the extant war brides' clubs, although club attendance is not a prerequisite of war bride identity.

Frederick Jones, Minister of Defence during World War II, was responsible for the transportation to New Zealand of the foreign-born wives and fiancées of New Zealand servicemen. Between 1942 and 1948 servicemen returning from theatres of war in Europe, the Middle East and the Pacific brought over 3000 wives and 700 fiancées to New Zealand. Portrayed as homogeneous, young, working-class British housewives who made hasty ill-considered marriages, war brides, in fact, proved to be varied in origin, age, occupation and education. Whirlwind romances and short courtships were not the norm. This thesis examines the consequences of the decision to marry a New Zealander and migrate and the impact of the journey and settlement. The full glare of publicity that greeted war brides on arrival focused attention on their compatibility with, and adaptability to, the receiving society. Adjustment was however fraught with difficulties. Memory and loss are implicit in the experience of migration. War brides expressed this in terms of the rift with their pasts and a lack of shared memories. On arrival in New Zealand war brides dispersed around the country in an extreme 'pepper-potting' pattern. When their only connection with New Zealand was their locally-born husband they suffered social isolation and sometimes a devastating sense of loneliness. The resulting marginalisation they experienced was evident in their oral history narratives. Ambivalence and recourse to serendipity as an explanation for past actions were elements of the dis-composure discernable in narratives. In spite of their varied religious, social and class backgrounds, this diverse cohort formed a war bride identity based on shared experience rather than national or ethnic origin. Far from dissipating, their war-bride identity has been consolidated into an enduring image most tangibly expressed in the extant war brides' clubs, although club attendance is not a prerequisite of war bride identity.

Frederick Jones, Minister of Defence during World War II, was responsible for the transportation to New Zealand of the foreign-born wives and fiancées of New Zealand servicemen. Between 1942 and 1948 servicemen returning from theatres of war in Europe, the Middle East and the Pacific brought over 3000 wives and 700 fiancées to New Zealand. Portrayed as homogeneous, young, working-class British housewives who made hasty ill-considered marriages, war brides, in fact, proved to be varied in origin, age, occupation and education. Whirlwind romances and short courtships were not the norm. This thesis examines the consequences of the decision to marry a New Zealander and migrate and the impact of the journey and settlement. The full glare of publicity that greeted war brides on arrival focused attention on their compatibility with, and adaptability to, the receiving society. Adjustment was however fraught with difficulties. Memory and loss are implicit in the experience of migration. War brides expressed this in terms of the rift with their pasts and a lack of shared memories. On arrival in New Zealand war brides dispersed around the country in an extreme 'pepper-potting' pattern. When their only connection with New Zealand was their locally-born husband they suffered social isolation and sometimes a devastating sense of loneliness. The resulting marginalisation they experienced was evident in their oral history narratives. Ambivalence and recourse to serendipity as an explanation for past actions were elements of the dis-composure discernable in narratives. In spite of their varied religious, social and class backgrounds, this diverse cohort formed a war bride identity based on shared experience rather than national or ethnic origin. Far from dissipating, their war-bride identity has been consolidated into an enduring image most tangibly expressed in the extant war brides' clubs, although club attendance is not a prerequisite of war bride identity.

Frederick Jones, Minister of Defence during World War II, was responsible for the transportation to New Zealand of the foreign-born wives and fiancées of New Zealand servicemen. Between 1942 and 1948 servicemen returning from theatres of war in Europe, the Middle East and the Pacific brought over 3000 wives and 700 fiancées to New Zealand. Portrayed as homogeneous, young, working-class British housewives who made hasty ill-considered marriages, war brides, in fact, proved to be varied in origin, age, occupation and education. Whirlwind romances and short courtships were not the norm. This thesis examines the consequences of the decision to marry a New Zealander and migrate and the impact of the journey and settlement. The full glare of publicity that greeted war brides on arrival focused attention on their compatibility with, and adaptability to, the receiving society. Adjustment was however fraught with difficulties. Memory and loss are implicit in the experience of migration. War brides expressed this in terms of the rift with their pasts and a lack of shared memories. On arrival in New Zealand war brides dispersed around the country in an extreme 'pepper-potting' pattern. When their only connection with New Zealand was their locally-born husband they suffered social isolation and sometimes a devastating sense of loneliness. The resulting marginalisation they experienced was evident in their oral history narratives. Ambivalence and recourse to serendipity as an explanation for past actions were elements of the dis-composure discernable in narratives. In spite of their varied religious, social and class backgrounds, this diverse cohort formed a war bride identity based on shared experience rather than national or ethnic origin. Far from dissipating, their war-bride identity has been consolidated into an enduring image most tangibly expressed in the extant war brides' clubs, although club attendance is not a prerequisite of war bride identity.