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The thesis explores the relationship between citizenship education and identity in conflict-affected societies, by comparing the teaching of citizenship across different schools in Northern Ireland and Israel. In both societies, citizenship education addresses issues that are deemed controversial, such as the recent or ongoing conflict, citizenship, racism, and sectarianism. The theoretical framework brings together (neo) Marxist, post-colonialist, and critical pedagogical approaches to citizenship education and identity. Fieldwork was carried out in four different schools (Catholic, Protestant, Jewish-Israeli and Arab-Palestinian), using individual interviews, focus group interviews, observations, and document analysis. The major findings suggest that citizenship education at the policy, school, and classroom level is permeated by an avoidance of controversial issues related to the conflict and identity. In both societies, dominant narratives about the conflict glorify and justify violence, preventing a more critical examination of the conflicts. Additionally, educational policies promote a neoliberal/managerialist culture that censors the critical potential of citizenship education by determining that the priority for schools is academic standards and performativity. This limits teachers' ability to develop students' critical political thinking, to address controversial issues, and to challenge racist and sectarian views. However, the data also point to the employment of transformative forms of citizenship education, which became particularly evident among minorities. The thesis contribution is threefold: first, drawing on a (neo) Marxist and postcolonial theoretical framework facilitates a structural examination of the state of citizenship education through the lens of power relations. Second, the multi-level study shows how processes of avoidance and censoring trickle down from the policy level into schools and into classrooms. Third, since citizenship education is permeated by sidestepping and censoring, it is at risk of reproducing the conflict, structural sectarianism and racism, and socio-economic inequalities. The thesis concludes with the assertion that there is a need to provide teachers and schools with political and institutional support through offering training programmes; guidance and more time during the citizenship lesson to teach about controversial issues related to the conflict and identity. It also points at the need to further research pedagogies of critical teachers, who are able to promote transformative citizenship even in an uncongenial political environment that subtly promotes avoidance and censoring.

Dystopic fiction is defined by its depiction of oppressive societies with power structures that seek to exercise control on its citizens. Orwell’s classic 1984 depicts a society that is a reaction to World War II and totalitarian regimes. This society depicts elements of cultural hegemony that are altered during the move to postmodernism. Atwood’s Oryx and Crake evolved to reflect the political climate that grew out of the Cold War’s end, while retaining the cautionary messages regarding the state’s ability to control. Oryx and Crake can be seen as completely reversing the concern from centralized power to decentralized power (represented by multinational corporations beholden to no single government.) This phenomenon is indicative of the postmodern period and the onset of late capitalism as defined by cultural critic Fredrick Jameson. Using the theory of Jameson and other postmodern theorists, an exploration of the dystopic novels or Orwell and Atwood reveals how cultural hegemony has been implemented and altered from the modern to the postmodern.

Abstract Reform, liberalization, and economic takeoff have propelled China toward becoming a major world power. Media industrialization and market orientation, combined with the growing pace of conglomeratization and globalization, are now an important national strategy for Beijing. One of its objectives is to gain a dominant voice in the international community while holding its own against leading European and American transnational media that are already eyeing China¡¦s media industry. Another objective is to suppress Taiwan¡¦s voice in the world arena and gradually marginalize Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries in the ethnic Chinese community. Even while the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are actively engaged in cultural and media exchanges, Taiwan has experienced a slowdown as China picks up pace in audiovisual media development. Taiwanese businesses and performing artists have been forced to take a strategic approach in seeking a future in China¡¦s market. This has resulted in an outflow of capital, human resources, and technology that has hurt Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries. China, on its part, has strategically ¡§attracted funding while keeping out programs¡¨ through media exchange policies and legal restrictions. It has blocked the broadcast of Taiwanese TV productions on local channels as well as the reception of Taiwan¡¦s TV channels. Additionally, it has used its huge market potential as bait to lure Taiwanese performing artists and media professionals to seek commercial and performing opportunities on the other side of the Strait. Through this two-pronged approach, China is trying to establish cultural hegemony over Taiwan with its media exports while pushing for unification. In other words, China¡¦s rapidly expanding audiovisual industry and the platform for cross-strait media exchange have contributed to the dwindling of Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries. China¡¦s carrot-and-stick strategy has compelled Taiwanese artists to cooperate and openly express views on specific political and national identity issues, thereby influencing viewers and listeners in Taiwan. This thesis explores how China¡¦s swiftly growing media industry has marginalized Taiwan¡¦s audiovisual media and influenced the national identity concept of Taiwanese performing artists. For this purpose, historical records and documents are analyzed and in-depth interviews conducted. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach that incorporates the concept of cultural hegemony espoused by Antonio Gramsci, the theory of culture industry advocated by Anthony Giddens and Nicholas Garnham, the role of discourse proposed by Michel Foucault, and the concept of national identity expounded by Benedict Anderson and Jhang Mao-guei. Research findings indicate a large gap between publicly expressed views and genuine standpoints of Taiwanese performing artists. Their positions on national identity clearly reflect a complex effect resulting from indelible impressions of Taiwan¡¦s history, education under the 50-year rule by the Kuomintang, Taiwan¡¦s democratic achievements, and realization that China adopts a very different social system. The study has not found a perceptible change in the national identity concept of Taiwanese artists seeking a future on the western shore of the Strait. Nonetheless, should cross-strait media exchange expand and Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries continue to weaken, Taiwanese artists will ultimately seek a sustainable future in China. Sooner or later, they will identify with China and embrace Beijing¡¦s ideological stand on cross-strait unification. Keywords: cultural hegemony culture industry conglomeratization media exchange, audiovisual exchange exposition national identity

Analyzing George A. Romero's Night of the Living Dead (1968) and Dawn of the Dead (1978) in relation to the early works of Marshal McLuhan, Erich Fromm, and Herbert Marcuse reveals an ideological parallel that can be explicated using Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony. While McLuhan, Marcuse, and Fromm observe, in order to critique, social manifestations of power in a consumerist system, Romero presents a model of hegemony in his films that he exposes to extreme stress thereby allowing viewers to observe such manifestations of power for themselves. These analyses are significant because although Marcuse, McLuhan, Fromm, and Romero present congruous ideologies, scholars of Dawn of the Dead and Night of the Living Dead have failed to recognize cultural hegemony as the source of the psychosocial criticism within each film.

Local and federal governments, public school boards, and higher education institutions have been promoting online courses in their commitment to accommodating public needs, widening access to materials, sharing intellectual resources, and reducing costs. However, researchers of education needs to consider the often ignored yet important issue of equity since disregarding the issue of inequity in online education may create suboptimal consequences for students. This dissertation work, therefore, investigates the issues of social justice and equity in online education. I argue that equity is situated between the tensions of various social structures in a broader cultural context and can be thought of as a fair distribution of opportunities to participate. This understanding is built upon the idea that individuals have different values, goals, and interests; nevertheless, the online learning context may not provide fair opportunities for individuals to follow their own learning trajectories. Particularly, online learning environments can reproduce inequitable learning conditions when the context requires certain individuals to assimilate mainstream beliefs and values at the expense of their own identities. Since identifications have certain social and political consequences by enabling or constraining individuals’ access to educational resources, individuals may try to be identified in line with culturally-hegemonic perspectives in order to gain or secure their access to educational resources or to legitimize their learning experiences. In this interview study, I conceptualize online courses within their broader socio-historical context and analyze how macro-level social structures, namely the concept of whiteness, can reproduce inequity in micro-level online learning practices. By questioning who has control over the conditions for the production of knowledge, values, and identification, I investigate how socially accepted bodies of thoughts, beliefs, values, and feelings that give meaning to individuals’ daily-practices may create inequitable learning conditions in day-to-day online learning practices. In specific, I analyze how those who are identified as non-White experience “double-bind” with respect to stereotypification on one hand, anonymity on the other. Building on this analysis, I illustrate how those who are identified as non-White have to constantly negotiate their legitimacy and right to be in the online environment.

Local and federal governments, public school boards, and higher education institutions have been promoting online courses in their commitment to accommodating public needs, widening access to materials, sharing intellectual resources, and reducing costs. However, researchers of education needs to consider the often ignored yet important issue of equity since disregarding the issue of inequity in online education may create suboptimal consequences for students. This dissertation work, therefore, investigates the issues of social justice and equity in online education. I argue that equity is situated between the tensions of various social structures in a broader cultural context and can be thought of as a fair distribution of opportunities to participate. This understanding is built upon the idea that individuals have different values, goals, and interests; nevertheless, the online learning context may not provide fair opportunities for individuals to follow their own learning trajectories. Particularly, online learning environments can reproduce inequitable learning conditions when the context requires certain individuals to assimilate mainstream beliefs and values at the expense of their own identities. Since identifications have certain social and political consequences by enabling or constraining individuals’ access to educational resources, individuals may try to be identified in line with culturally-hegemonic perspectives in order to gain or secure their access to educational resources or to legitimize their learning experiences. In this interview study, I conceptualize online courses within their broader socio-historical context and analyze how macro-level social structures, namely the concept of whiteness, can reproduce inequity in micro-level online learning practices. By questioning who has control over the conditions for the production of knowledge, values, and identification, I investigate how socially accepted bodies of thoughts, beliefs, values, and feelings that give meaning to individuals’ daily-practices may create inequitable learning conditions in day-to-day online learning practices. In specific, I analyze how those who are identified as non-White experience “double-bind” with respect to stereotypification on one hand, anonymity on the other. Building on this analysis, I illustrate how those who are identified as non-White have to constantly negotiate their legitimacy and right to be in the online environment.

Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Versesis one of the most controversial postcolonial novels, which among a plethora of themes seems to mainly focus on the notion of hegemonic power. The Satanic Verses can partly be read as a denunciation of the British hegemony in which social injustice, racial discrimination and violence, in its different forms, exerted upon marginalized and stigmatized people (such as non-European expatriates) are legitimized by the dominant group and understood as something conventional and normal by the subjugated people. Moreover, this novel encourages the readers to criticize religion as a political tool with the help of which the dominant group can make groups of people subservient to authority. This part of my essay is related to the criticism of hegemony as such. Employing Gramsci’s analysis of hegemony, this paper begins with an investigation of the relationship between the figure of a migrant, violence and cultural hegemony inRushdie’s Britain. In the second part, the link between dream scenes and the ways through which they contribute to the overall argument about hegemony is studied. Finally, the last part of this essay revolves around religious hegemony. Hence, what links all these three sections together is the concept of hegemony and the ways through which hegemonic power is achieved and implemented in this novel.