Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-08-23T14:10:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Nunes Kamogawa.pdf: 1222570 bytes, checksum: d16fcae6bdc91c3ae11648e9727138c7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T14:10:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Nunes Kamogawa.pdf: 1222570 bytes, checksum: d16fcae6bdc91c3ae11648e9727138c7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-14 / This thesis aims to analyze the role of cinema as a tool for the diffusion of ideologies, especially linked to the hegemony of American culture. This premise is reinforced by the post-9/11 terrorist attacks, which have reinforced and revitalized the ideology of Orientalism, widespread in Hollywood productions in which the superiority of the West is constantly focused on the inferiority of the East. / Esta tese tem como principal objetivo analisar o papel do cinema como ferramenta de difusão de ideologias, em especial vinculadas a hegemonia da cultura norte-americana. Tal premissa é reforçada após os atentados terrorista pós 11 de setembro, os quais reforçaram e revitalizaram a ideologia do Orientalismo, difundida em produções de Hollywood nas quais a superioridade do Ocidente é constantemente enfocada diante da inferioridade do Oriente.

This paper argues the institution of Roman bathing was an instrument of cultural hegemony, which allowed the Roman Empire to maintain hegemony over the Roman provinces. Numerous frameworks have been suggested in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between Rome and the provinces. Roman imperialism has been a topic of debate for over one hundred years and the vicissitudes of scholarly thought are highlighted by the changes in the characterization of the theory of Romanization. In the recent past, scholars have sought a framework that could progress beyond the problematic concept of Romanization in order to better understand acculturation in the Roman provinces. In this paper, I provide an alternative method for examining the somewhat hackneyed issue of Roman imperialism. I argue the relationship between Rome and the provinces can be examined through the Gramcian theory of cultural hegemony. Using cultural hegemony, I explore the political consequences of direct change acculturation of the provinces of the Roman Empire. I argue that Roman culture was an efficacious mechanism for the dissemination of Roman ideology and diffusion of the Roman worldview was politically advantageous for Rome. Furthermore, I argue the custom of public bathing was a Roman cultural phenomenon that aided the Empire in preserving their hegemony in the provinces.

Since 1992, the number of short-term mission (STM) travelers has exponentially increased for more than a decade. The purpose of STMs is to spread religious messages to local residents. In order to spread the word of God, STM travelers attempt to interact with local residents. They want to communicate with local residents in the host community and build a relationship with them. Therefore, for STM travelers their relationship with local residnets really matters. Many tourism scholars have argued that hosts-tourists interaction heavily influences both tourists and hosts. In spite of the increased popularity and the importance of host-tourist interaction in the context of STMs, STMs have received relatively little attention from the tourism research field. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to understand short-term mission travelers' interaction with local residents within four existing theories: the theory of leisure and tourist motivation, the theory of cultural hegemony, the gift-exchange theory, and the integrative theory of cross-cultural adaptation. To reach this research aim, this study used a qualitative research design rooted in the constructivist paradigm. A total of 43 STM travelers participated in the interview of this study. Considering the concept of the cultural distance between the participant's home culture and the host culture, American and Korean STM travelers who visited Cambodia or Thailand were recruited. Also, to understand the process of participant's relationship-building and cross-cultural adaptation, both pre- and post-interviews with 26 participants were conducted. The results showed that STM travelers sought personal and interpersonal rewards from the trip, which supports the theory of leisure motivation. Also, this type of travel had similarities with alternative, mass, and volunteer tourism in terms of tourist motivation. Regarding the theory of cultural hegemony, hegemonic power was exercised through STM travelers' work. STM travelers took advantage of an opportunity to provide what locals wanted as an opportunity to spread their religious message. Furthermore, identified conflicts between Christianity and the local culture support the existence of cultural hegemony. Concerning the relationship-building process of STM travelers, the results suggested that STM travelers built their relationship with local people and God by providing a gift to them and positively evaluating receivers' responses. In terms of the theory of cross-cultural adaptation, this study found support for this theory as successful intercultural adaptation led to a personal transformation in travelers. Finally, cultural distance was considered as a dimension of the intercultural adaptation theory. Regarding the perceived cultural distance, American mission travelers reported cultural distance with the host culture whereas Korean mission travelers expressed a cultural similarity to the host cultures rather than cultural difference.

This thesis is a theoretically guided empirical discussion of fashion and its role within the production of national identity in Germany. In recent years, a new patriotism in contemporary German fashion could be observed, starting with the fashion designer Eva Gronbach in 2001. I will approach the term patriotism with the aid of one of Michel Foucault's key terms, the notion of the episteme. In my case study, singular fashion images from three consecutive collections by Gronbach are examined with regard to their role in the discourse of German patriotism. But I am not only interested in the "how" of this discourse. Building up upon Antonio Gramsci's notion of "cultural hegemony", I also explain the recent rise of this fashion patriotism. Thus, my discourse analysis of Gronbach's fashion becomes embedded in social struggles and transformations in Germany. Argueing that fashion is a discursive practice that can show up as well as promote changes in discursive formations, I assume a dialectical structure-agency conception: On the one hand the case of Gronbach hints at the deeper structural problematic of patriotism and social cohesion which allowed Gronbach to become popular. On the other hand, this structure is also produced via discursive practices such as Gronbach´s. The what I term "inclusionary patriotism" comprises cultural normalisation. Thus, the case of Gronbach demonstrates a "constrained heterogeneity" with regard to the discourse of patriotism in Germany, in which diversity is only acceptable within certain discursively constructed limits.

This thesis aims to analyze the ideology of the &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / (Nouveille Droite) and its attempt to establish its cultural hegemony on European integration. The revival of the radical right-wing parties after 1980s and the rise of xenophobia have emerged as a fundamental threat to European democracy. The study of such developments and the measures taken to combat right-wing extremism, however, should not be limited to political parties and activists. The intellectual framework of the contemporary radical right as a successor of historical fascism and its Europeanization necessitates a broader and deeper analysis of the ideology of the radical right. The case of &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / as one of the most influential right-wing intellectual networks provides the appropriate ground to discuss on such framework and to elaborate its impact on European integration.

This dissertation examines media narratives of Chien-Ming Wang, Yani Tseng, and Jeremy Lin as the entry point for interrogating the construction of transnational Taiwanese identity through modern sports. On the one hand, the (re-)articulation of Taiwanese nationalism has been reproduced and driven through the sporting success of these sporting figures. On the other hand, their national identities, their physical movements across national borders, and their sporting performances—mainly on American soil—also trouble the orthodox notion of nation and nationalism. Through examining media texts published in the United State and Taiwan, I argue that a fluid and flexible transnational Taiwanese identity has emerged. Although global capitalism and transnational corporations have been the leading forces of such media discourses, nation and nationalism still largely regulate and define the ways in which meanings are produced and consumed in these localities. More importantly, I contend that the power imbalance—politically, economically, and culturally—between America and Asia should be critically foregrounded in this conjuncture. In sum, the United States' intervention in Asia during the Cold War era and Taiwan's special status in this historical period still have a lasting effect in contemporary Taiwanese societies. The “light of Taiwan” discourses revolving around Wang, Tseng, and Lin could be understood as a continuation of U.S. cultural imperialism and hegemony since the end of the World War II. Meanwhile, transnational capital and a relatively new Taiwanese nationalism also played prominent roles in these nationalistic celebrations in contemporary Taiwan.

電影作為跨文化傳播的重要媒介，反映當下他國與該國權力結構的認知，對一國的國家形象塑造有著重大作用。國家形象就是他國人民對一個國家的概念性印象，在傳統好萊塢的商業大片上，中國的形象多半遭受「東方主義」的臆測，中國政府亟於透過文化宣傳的方式來改善中國的國家形象，其中中美合拍電影傳達出的中國意象扮演重要角色。觀察近年來的中美合拍片，相較於過去的好萊塢電影，中美合拍電影的中國形象似乎獲得大幅提升，但仍存在東方主義對「他者」的視角。 中美合拍片有將「中國國家形象」與「中國人形象」與之區分，分別對應「專制的中國政府」與「順從無主見」的人民，最終只能希冀西方的拯救者來救贖之現象。就連東方的導演都「自我東方化」，電影傳達的中國形象，其實是透過中國導演觀察與西方的差異，自我建構出的「東方形象」。 雖然中美合拍片裡中國形象仍是西方對東方的「再現」，但中國政府透過合拍的攝製法規與審查制度，「一手拿棍棒，一手拿紅蘿蔔」。一方面獎勵遵守中國規則的劇組，提供資源協助，一方面針對不符合中國期望的電影情節，在審查過程中要求刪除甚至擱置。 中美合拍片不但存在國際社會的文化爭霸，更有一國之內政治社會與市民社會的交互作用，在國際社會上，中美合拍電影的中西方文化元素交相呼應，同樣的符號在個別電影中有不同的詮釋。在政治社會與市民社會的面向上，中國政府以電影審查制度控制電影內容，來維護既有的意識型態；但電影劇組仍可以透過導演或主演的個人聲望、隱晦的針砭手法，迫使官方妥協，重構出新的意識型態。中國政府與合拍片商在彼此爭霸中，互有消長與妥協，故中美合拍片中的中國形象，呈現正負面兼有之的特徵。 / Film as an important medium for intercultural communication, it becomes one of the effective ways to promote a nation’s image. The national image is the conceptual impression of the people from other countries. In traditional Hollywood commercial movies, the image of China suffered “Orientalism” speculation. By co-producing films with American, government of China has tried to get rid of the stereotype of China’s national images. In recent year, compared to the previous Hollywood movies, the images of China in Sino-U.S. co-production films seem to get significantly improved. However, some of them still implicate Orientalism speculation. Sino-U.S. co-production films distinguish “the national image of China” from “the image of the Chinese people”, describing a society that an autocratic government and a crowd of lackey, hoping a savior from the west would liberate them. Even Chinese directors have “self-orientalization” issues, the image of China that they described in the movie is just a reflection compared with the west. Although the image of China in Sino-U.S. co-production film is the “representation”, the government of China still could use “carrot and stick” to receive the hegemony. On the one hand, they encourage and reward the producer for obeying the regulations; on the other hand they use censorship as a punishment. Sino-U.S. co-production film not only consists of the cultural hegemony of the international community, but also includes the interaction between political society and civil society in the domestic system. In the international community, the same symbols of Western/Eastern cultural elements has different interpretations of individual Sino-US co-production films, and in the political society and civil society, the Chinese government regulates movie contents building the movie censorship system to secure the existing ideology; But the director or big shots still can use their expand their personal Influence, or metaphor in the script, to force the authority to compromise and reconstructs a new ideology.

This text investigates the harmonic dimension of music and the various social, cultural and political consequences that arise through the act of tuning and tempering harmonic space. While no singular musical domain can exist divorced from the rest (i.e., duration, rhythm, dynamics, spatiality, etc.), in order to examine its afflictions and possible remedies, this text focuses only on the harmonic domain and the severity of its influence over listeners. This text questions the standardisation of twelve tone equal temperament, the implications it has inflicted culturally, the capital agents it may serve, and the possible insights just tuning systems and alternate temperaments may provide. / Cast of Mind

The purpose of this study is to use a qualitative method to investigate the Swedish curriculums of 1919, 1962 and 2011 in search of attitudes and different usages of the popular culture of the time. To reach these conclusions Antonio Gramsci’s theories about cultural hegemony have been applied to prove how the superior classes, in this study these classes are represented by the Swedish school as an institution, use popular culture to maintain sovereignty of the lower classes. Ergo the problem highlighted in this study is whether the cultural class society exists in a fixed state since the 1919’s with the school as the institution to implement the tradition of cultural hegemony. The study shows that, as the usage of popular culture has not become a more frequent tool recommended from the Swedish government, it has become more accepted that teachers do use it in various forms and that the demand of a canonised aesthetical selection has become almost eradicated.

Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n’existe pas d’étude d’ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu’entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d’œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la méthodologie mise en œuvre articule historiographie du théâtre, histoire des représentations théâtrales et étude du champ de production culturelle en diachronie. Elle a permis de mettre en évidence la persistance de l’Orientalisme renforcé par le déphasage historique entre la France et Israël et l’inégal développement entre la France et la Palestine. La représentation théâtrale peut offrir un espace de résistance aux assignations identitaires subies par les artistes d’Israël et de Palestine, ou bien reproduire les rapports de domination lisibles à travers le degré de légitimité des dramaturg(i)es. La thèse rappelle la complexité des rapports de domination qui ne sont pas réductibles au racisme ou à un « choc de civilisations » mais relèvent d’une hégémonie culturelle entretenue par les institutions théâtrales et universitaires, et critiques dramatiques. Ces instances de légitimation sont analysées ici en tant que productrices d’un discours idéologique dont l’étude remet en question la posture de neutralité qui accompagne l’autonomie de l’art. / In a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art.