This thesis establishes the concept of Rust Belt aesthetics, a term for the artistic and cultural narratives that define, analyze, critique, or otherwise describe the deindustrialized U.S. Midwest, a region commonly referred to as the Rust Belt. This thesis explores how aesthetic projects re-present the experience of deindustrialization. The locus of this analysis is the region, and the thesis argues that the region operates as a discursive device that can mediate between and through other spatial “levels,” like the local or the global. Rust Belt aesthetics emerge from a moment of regional, national, and global transformations, and these aesthetics can construct the region to various political ends. The thesis analyzes aesthetics projects like advertisements, literature, and visual art in order to provide insight into the shifting economic, cultural, and social forces at play in the region and beyond. The goal of my analysis is not to arrive at a static definition of Rust Belt aesthetics. Instead, I hope to understand how aesthetic projects from and about the region communicate specific narratives about the Rust Belt, often through the lens of critical regionalism and the everyday life of the working class. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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This study is a comprehensive investigation into the potential for gentrification in Norra Sorgenfri, a former industrial district in Malmö, Sweden. It takes a multifaceted approach that includes inhabitants' perceptions, going beyond the scope of traditional studies that focus on residential areas and track displacement through statistics. Our research incorporates a broader range of factors, such as changes in community socio-economic levels, to provide a comprehensive analysis suitable for understanding the complex nature of gentrification. Malmö, rebranded in the 21st century as a Knowledge City, has faced significant housing shortages, leading to new urban developments driven by neoliberal policies emphasizing market-driven approaches and privatization. Norra Sorgenfri, located in southeastern central Malmö, transitioned from an industrial zone to temporary housing for European immigrants in the early 21st century. This history provides a unique context for studying gentrification, marked by industrial decline, immigrants temporary housing, and urban renewal. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, including qualitative questionnaires with inhabitants, an interview with an MKB housing company officer, a review of relevant literature, and mapping methods to illustrate socio-economic changes over a decade. The data analysis reveals two parallel findings: slight indications of gentrification potential based on residents' socio-economic levels from questionnaires, contrasted by statistics and MKB responses showing no gentrification potential. However, the lack of updated socio-economic statistics limits the study, as available data predates the occupation of new residential buildings, potentially skewing the current socio-economic snapshot. Despite these limitations, our study underscores the complexity of gentrification and the necessity of nuanced approaches to its investigation. Results show no specific potential for gentrification in this neighborhood. It aims to upgrade the current understanding of gentrification while emphasizing the necessity for ongoing observation and further research, which is crucial to understanding the long-term impacts of urban redevelopment on the social, economic, and cultural fabric of neighborhoods like Norra Sorgenfri and to ensure our findings remain relevant and accurate.

In this dissertation, I use interview data to answer three questions concerning the deindustrialization of southwest and southside Virginia. First, how have Radford City, Montgomery County, Pulaski County, the City of Martinsville and Henry County been affected by plant closures and mass layoffs at the community level? Second, how have displaced workers and their households been affected by this loss of manufacturing jobs? And third, what survival strategies have displaced workers and their households employed as a result of being displaced? In carrying out this research, I engage with four theoretical discussions: (1) deindustrialization of the US South, (2) the impact of deindustrialization on local communities and economies, (3) the impacts of deindustrialization on workers, and (4) workers' strategies for coping with job loss. I argue that the strategies employed are influenced, shaped, and/ or constrained by regional resources, family structure, and previous experience(s) with job loss due to plant closures and layoffs. The findings from this research suggest that household survival strategies are based on four influential or motivating factors: (1) the presence of a spouse and/or children in the home, (2) having prior experience with being displaced, (3) use of personal networks, and (4) utilization of spouses' knowledge, skills, and abilities. At the community level, there are two major findings. First, there is a level of resilience in the worst affected communities that keeps them moving forward, if at a slower pace than desired. Second, deindustrialization does not affect all manufacturing communities the same way. Local economic profiles, local resources, and past ties to manufacturing matter both in the severity of impacts and the options for rebounding and/ or creating new economic identities. For these reasons and others, it is suggested that future research continue to focus on individual communities and localities which are working to identify good long term solutions to address changes due to large scale economic disruption. / Ph. D.

Através do estudo do processo de desindustrialização e da reestruturação em curso de um fragmento da metrópole de São Paulo, a pesquisa busca compreender aspectos da reprodução da urbanização no momento atual. Este fragmento, situado ao norte do distrito de Santo Amaro, constitui-se a partir da grande industrialização das décadas de 1950/60/70, como uma área industrial e um local de moradia da classe operária. A indústria foi o principal indutor da urbanização do lugar, organizando a sua vida social, constituindo-se em sua principal referência, produzindo uma vida cotidiana fragmentada. Verificamos, no entanto, que há um período relativamente curto de estabelecimento da indústria aí, pois já a partir do final da década de 1980 se verifica o início do declínio industrial no fragmento, processo que se intensifica na década de 1990 e se acentua ainda mais no momento atual. Com isso, há uma desintegração da vida social no fragmento decorrente da saída ou do fechamento de indústrias, já que bares fecham, espaços de moradias operárias são desocupadas e demolidas, muitos edifícios e terrenos industriais permanecem abandonados. Ao mesmo tempo, este espaço de desindustrialização, por ter uma localização privilegiada em relação a áreas já consolidadas como centralidades de negócios, passa a receber empreendimentos ligados às lógicas \"modernas\" do eixo empresarial sudoeste. Identificamos hoje, como momento inicial de transformação do fragmento, processos indicativos da passagem de uma área industrial para uma área voltada para novas atividades terciárias, o que é evidenciado pela instalação de grandes empreendimentos de eventos e shows e de novos condomínios residenciais de médio-alto padrão. Como tendência, este espaço de desindustrialização pode vir a se tornar uma área de valorização, colocando-se como a extensão das centralidades de negócios que historicamente se expandem na metrópole de São Paulo em direção sudoeste (Centro Histórico-Paulista-Faria Lima-Berrini). Esta expansão do eixo de negócios na metrópole se configura como um processo amplamente subsidiado por ideologias disseminadas na sociedade (emplacadas pelos discursos empresariais que são encampados pelo Estado) - com destaque para a ideologia do progresso (do crescimento ilimitado), que aparece como desenvolvimento social, como se a incorporação de áreas ao circuito das atividades \"modernas\" e da valorização fosse benéfica para todo o conjunto da sociedade. Como hipótese central do trabalho, verificamos que esse processo contribui decisivamente para um aprofundamento da fragmentação da vida cotidiana daqueles que ali vivem, pois as novas relações que se impõem no fragmento, desintegradoras das relações pretéritas (a prática sócioespacial, já fragmentada, da indústria), criam diferenciações no uso do espaço, produzindo novas separações, segregando as pessoas que moram ali. Assim, há um aprofundamento da fragmentação da vida cotidiana com as transformações em curso, pois elas criam uma nova prática sócioespacial em que o uso do espaço é cada vez mais mediado pela lógica do valor de troca. Ou seja, com o avanço das atividades terciárias, voltadas para um consumo de médio-alto padrão, com a sua espacialidade característica, avançam novas relações que implicam mudanças profundas na vida das pessoas do lugar, tornando incerta a permanência dessas pessoas aí. Assim, a pesquisa busca contemplar duas lógicas conflitantes no urbano - a da transformação do fragmento em fronteira econômica, com a expansão de centralidades de negócios (devido a disponibilidade de terrenos e a localização privilegiada) e a do lugar como moradia e espaço da vida de muitas pessoas. / Through the study of the deindustrialization process and of the restructuring proccess currently occurring in a fragmented portion of the metropolis of São Paulo, the research seeks to understand aspects pertaining to the reproduction of urbanization in our days. This fragment, located to the north portion of the Santo Amaro district, is part of the large industrialization occurred in the 50\'s, 60\'s and 70\'s, as an industrial area and a housing locale for the worker class. Industry was the main inductor of urbanization in that place, organizing its social life, constituted in its main reference, producing a fragmented everyday life (private life, work life and leisure time). However, we checked that there is a relatively short period of time regarding the establishment of industry there, for already at the end of the 80\'s the beginning of the industrial decline within that fragment is seen, a process that is intensified during the 90\'s and accentuated even further during our days. Thus, there is a breaking of the integration chain of the fragment due to the exiting or shutting down of industries, given that, consequently, bars close, worker housing complexes are unoccupied and demolished, and many buildings and industrial real estate are left abandoned. At the same time, due to this deindustrialization space having a privileged localization in relation to areas already consolidated as business centers, it starts to take in undertakings linked to \"modern\" logics of the Southwest business axis. We identify today, as an initial time of transformation for the fragment, processes that indicate the breeze by of an industrial area to an area oriented toward new tertiary activities, which is evidenced by the settling in of large event space undertakings, concert/show arenas and new residential condominiums of average standard buildings. As a tendency, this deindustrialization space may one day become a valued area if it is deemed an extension of the business centers that, in the metropolis of São Paulo, historically move and expand southwest bound (Historical Center-Paulista Avenue-Faria Lima-Berrini). This expansion of the business axis in the metropolis is configured as a process widely subsidized by ideologies spread throughout society (backed up by corporate speeches that are encamped by the State) - relating to social development, as if the incorporation of areas to the circuit of \"modern\" activities and valorization activities would bring benefits to society as a whole. As the core hypothesis of the paper, we verified that this process decisively contributes toward a further deepening of the fragmentation of the everyday life of those who live there, for the new relations that are imposed within the fragment, breaking bonds of past relations (the already fragmented industry\'s social-space practice), create differentiations in the use of the space, producing new separations, segregating peoples who live there. Thus, there is further deepening of the everyday life fragmentation due to the transformations endured by the fragment, for they create a new social-space practice in which the use of the space is ever more mediated by the logic behind trade value. That is, with the advancement of tertiary activities oriented toward average-to-high standards, with its characteristic spatiality, move onward with new relations that imply profound changes in the lives of people who inhabit that fragment, bringing uncertainty as to the possibility of those people remaining there. Thus, the research seeks to contemplate two conflicting logics in the urban setting - the logic of the fragment transformation into an economic frontier, with the expansion of the business centers (due to real estate availability and privileged localization) and the logic of the place as means of housing and living space for many people.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Pedrossian Neto.pdf: 1843411 bytes, checksum: 5faac21374fa62c68dc6f21e203d0327 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-27 / This work investigates the causes of the decline in participation of industry in GDP, attributing this phenomenon to a process of de-industrialization or post-industrialization. The research is based on the theoretical model developed by Rowthorn and Wells (1987) and Rowthorn and Ramaswamy (1999), with modifications introduced for analyzing Brazilian economy. The econometric models designed to test the hypotheses indicate that, although the factors related to deindustrialization - and, in particular, the under-utilization of production capacity - have contributed to the compression on the industrial GDP, among the explanatory sources of this fall prevails the endogenous growth factors, particularly the role of sector productivity differential in the deterioration of industry relative prices. Thus, the diagnostic of post-industrialization is strengthened / Este trabalho investiga as causas da queda da participação da indústria no PIB brasileiro, atribuindo esse fenômeno a um processo de desindustrialização ou pós-industrialização. A pesquisa tem como referencial teórico o modelo desenvolvido por Rowthorn e Wells (1987) e Rowthorn e Ramaswamy (1999), com modificações introduzidas para análise da economia brasileira. Os modelos econométricos elaborados para testar as hipóteses indicam que, embora os fatores ligados à desindustrialização e, em especial, a sub-utilização da capacidade instalada de produção , tenham contribuído para a compressão relativa do PIB industrial, entre as fontes explicativas desta queda preponderam os fatores endógenos ao crescimento econômico, em particular o papel do diferencial de produtividade setorial na deterioração dos preços relativos industriais. Desta forma, ganha força o diagnóstico de pós-industrialização

O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação do Brasil em comércio exterior durante os anos de 2003 a 2013. Considera-se que neste período o país tem feito uso de medidas protecionistas com o objetivo de elevar a competitividade dos bens brasileiros. Este fato fica mais evidente a partir de 2011, com o lançamento do Plano Brasil Maior, dentro do qual as medidas de defesa comercial passam a integrar diretrizes oficiais do governo, em conjunto com perfurações tarifárias e aumentos de tarifas à importação. Além disso, outros programas, integrantes da política industrial e de comércio exterior, apresentam forte conteúdo nacionalista. Por outro lado, o fraco desempenho do setor industrial evidencia que, apesar do protecionismo, a indústria doméstica não consegue se restabelecer como setor dinâmico da economia. Nesse contexto, é possível afirmar que políticas comerciais que visam a combater processos de desindustrialização são paradoxais com as regras multilaterais? Para responder a esta pergunta, a análise foi dividida em dois artigos científicos. Primeiramente, é apresentada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema da desindustrialização, para entender a evolução do conceito e a maneira como ele é trabalhado pelos principais autores nacionais e estrangeiros. O artigo busca incluir a política comercial, enquanto instrumento macroeconômico, nesta análise, ressaltando o seu papel nos resultados comerciais. Já o segundo artigo traz dados empíricos, a partir do levantamento das resoluções da CAMEX no período 2003-2013, com o objetivo de mapear o protecionismo da política comercial brasileira e entender se tais medidas servem ao propósito de exercer uma força contrária ao processo de desindustrialização. / The overall objective of this research is to analyze Brazilian performance in international trade from 2003 to 2013. During this period, Brazil has made use of protectionist measures in order to raise the competitiveness of its goods. It is more evident from 2011, with the launch of the \"Greater Brazil Plan\", within which the trade defense measures became part of the governmental guidelines, along with import tariff rate increases and perforations of Mercosul\'s Common External Tariff. In addition, there are other programs, within both trade and industrial policies, which present strong nationalist content. On the other hand, the low performance of the industrial sector shows that, despite the use of protectionist measures, the domestic industry could not be stablished, as a dynamic sector of the economy. In this context, is it possible to state that trade policies, which aim to fight de-industrialization are paradoxical with multilateral trade rules? To answer to this question, firstly, we present a review of the literature on the topic of de-industrialization, focusing on the definition of the concept, as well as how the main authors have used it. The article aims to include trade policy in the analysis, by highlighting its role in trade results, while a macroeconomic instrument. The second article provides empirical data from the survey of CAMEX resolutions during the years of 2003 to 2013, in order to map the protectionism content of Brazilian trade policy and to understand whether such measures serve to the purpose of exerting a counterforce to de deindustrialization process.

O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação do Brasil em comércio exterior durante os anos de 2003 a 2013. Considera-se que neste período o país tem feito uso de medidas protecionistas com o objetivo de elevar a competitividade dos bens brasileiros. Este fato fica mais evidente a partir de 2011, com o lançamento do Plano Brasil Maior, dentro do qual as medidas de defesa comercial passam a integrar diretrizes oficiais do governo, em conjunto com perfurações tarifárias e aumentos de tarifas à importação. Além disso, outros programas, integrantes da política industrial e de comércio exterior, apresentam forte conteúdo nacionalista. Por outro lado, o fraco desempenho do setor industrial evidencia que, apesar do protecionismo, a indústria doméstica não consegue se restabelecer como setor dinâmico da economia. Nesse contexto, é possível afirmar que políticas comerciais que visam a combater processos de desindustrialização são paradoxais com as regras multilaterais? Para responder a esta pergunta, a análise foi dividida em dois artigos científicos. Primeiramente, é apresentada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema da desindustrialização, para entender a evolução do conceito e a maneira como ele é trabalhado pelos principais autores nacionais e estrangeiros. O artigo busca incluir a política comercial, enquanto instrumento macroeconômico, nesta análise, ressaltando o seu papel nos resultados comerciais. Já o segundo artigo traz dados empíricos, a partir do levantamento das resoluções da CAMEX no período 2003-2013, com o objetivo de mapear o protecionismo da política comercial brasileira e entender se tais medidas servem ao propósito de exercer uma força contrária ao processo de desindustrialização. / The overall objective of this research is to analyze Brazilian performance in international trade from 2003 to 2013. During this period, Brazil has made use of protectionist measures in order to raise the competitiveness of its goods. It is more evident from 2011, with the launch of the \"Greater Brazil Plan\", within which the trade defense measures became part of the governmental guidelines, along with import tariff rate increases and perforations of Mercosul\'s Common External Tariff. In addition, there are other programs, within both trade and industrial policies, which present strong nationalist content. On the other hand, the low performance of the industrial sector shows that, despite the use of protectionist measures, the domestic industry could not be stablished, as a dynamic sector of the economy. In this context, is it possible to state that trade policies, which aim to fight de-industrialization are paradoxical with multilateral trade rules? To answer to this question, firstly, we present a review of the literature on the topic of de-industrialization, focusing on the definition of the concept, as well as how the main authors have used it. The article aims to include trade policy in the analysis, by highlighting its role in trade results, while a macroeconomic instrument. The second article provides empirical data from the survey of CAMEX resolutions during the years of 2003 to 2013, in order to map the protectionism content of Brazilian trade policy and to understand whether such measures serve to the purpose of exerting a counterforce to de deindustrialization process.