Au cours des décennies 1970 et 1980, alors que le statut des immigrants et la question de leur intégration alimentent débats et controverses en France, trois écrivains proposent chacun le récit d’un Maghrébin vivant à Paris qui interroge la société et dénonce ses dysfonctionnements. Ce mémoire vise à montrer l’apport de Mohammed Dib (Habel, 1977), d’Abdelwahab Meddeb (Phantasia, 1986) et d’Annie Cohen (L’Édifice invisible, 1988) aux représentations nouvelles de la capitale apparues dans l’imaginaire social depuis la décolonisation. Face à la suprématie de la culture française, les protagonistes proposent une ouverture radicale à l’altérité et questionnent les processus d’aliénation et de renforcement du statu quo identitaire et culturel. Une modalité d’écriture commune aux romans à l’étude, la promenade conduit les trois auteurs à travailler sur la mise en forme du récit tout en plaçant les héros en opposition face à l’évolution urbaine et la société occidentale consumériste. / During the 1970s and 1980s, while the status of immigrants and the question of their integration are feeding debate and controversy in France, three writers offer the story of a North African living in Paris who questions society and denounces its shortcomings. This dissertation aims to show the contribution of Mohammed Dib (Habel, 1977), Abdelwahab Meddeb (Phantasia, 1986) and Annie Cohen (L’Édifice invisible, 1988) to new representations of Paris that appeared in the social imaginary after decolonization. Given the supremacy of French culture, the protagonists offer a radical openness to alterity and question the alienation process and the status quo in the matters of culture and identity. A theme common to the three novels analyzed, the “promenade” leads their authors to work on the formatting of the story while placing the heroes in opposition to the changing urban and consumerist Western society.

Este trabalho se propôs a efetuar uma análise estratégica do peso da Europa como condicionante da Política Externa e de Segurança (PES) da Rússia, com ênfase ao papel cumprido pelo escudo antimíssil (NMD na Europa). Para tanto, procurou-se resenhar de forma muito breve as relações da Rússia com a Europa no pós Guerra Fria: a guerra do Kosovo (1999), a guerra da Geórgia (2008) e situação da Ucrânia e Mar Negro (2011). Por sua vez os projetos de cooperação entre os países da Europa e a Rússia são examinados com mais vagar. E, por outro lado, analisa-se o escudo antimíssil no seu estágio atual e o cronograma de sua implementação nos termos anunciados em 2012. Constatou-se que de fato a Europa exerce peso considerável na elaboração da política externa russa como um todo, que o aspecto crítico da relação com a Europa é a defesa antimíssil, que o principal ponto de cooperação para além de infraestrutura energética é o centro de inovação e tecnologia de Skolkovo. Conclui-se que no pós Guerra Fria são seguidas as linhas gerais da política externa da Rússia pré-revolucionária e da URSS, o que é descrito como o marco Defensivo-Reativo-Utilitário (DRU). Além disso, que a principal prioridade da PES da Rússia é sua manutenção enquanto grande potência (daí a importância de reter capacidade nuclear de segundo ataque); priorizar os fóruns multilaterais e empenhar-se na construção de um equilíbrio multipolar. Estas constatações serviram para convalidar a percepção acerca do papel da Europa como condicionante da política externa russa: seja para manter-se enquanto grande potência, para ter peso as decisões dos fóruns multilaterais ou ainda para consolidação da multipolaridade, importa para a Rússia uma Europa livre de ingerências extracontinentais. / This work aimed to do a preliminary assessment about the weight of Europe as being a determinant to Russian’s Foreign and Security Policy, with emphasis on the role played by the missile shield (NMD) in Europe. Therefore, we tried to do a briefly review of Russia's relations with Europe in the post-Cold War: the Kosovo’s War (1999), the Georgia’s War (2008) and the situation in Ukraine and the Black Sea Region (2011). In turn, the cooperation projects between European countries and Russia are examined more carefully. And, on the other hand, we analyze the missile shield in its current state and its implementation schedule pursuant announced in 2012. It has been found that in fact Europe has considerable weight in the development of Russia’s foreign policy as a whole, that the critical aspect of the relationship with Europe is the missile defense, that the main point of cooperation beyond energy infrastructure is the Skolkovo’s Center of Innovation and Technology. We conclude that the general lines of external politics in the pre-revolutionary Russia and the USSR are followed in the post-Cold War, which is described as the landmark-Reactive-Defensive Utility (RDU) In addition, the main priority of the Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy is the maintenance of it’s great power status (hence the importance of retaining nuclear second strike capability); prioritize multilateral forums and be engage in building a multipolar balance. These findings served to validate the perception about the role of Europe as a condition of Russia’s foreign policy: whether to maintain itself as a great power, to take the weight of the decisions multilateral forums, or to consolidate multipolarity, it matters to Russia an Europe free from extra continental interference.

Este trabalho se propôs a efetuar uma análise estratégica do peso da Europa como condicionante da Política Externa e de Segurança (PES) da Rússia, com ênfase ao papel cumprido pelo escudo antimíssil (NMD na Europa). Para tanto, procurou-se resenhar de forma muito breve as relações da Rússia com a Europa no pós Guerra Fria: a guerra do Kosovo (1999), a guerra da Geórgia (2008) e situação da Ucrânia e Mar Negro (2011). Por sua vez os projetos de cooperação entre os países da Europa e a Rússia são examinados com mais vagar. E, por outro lado, analisa-se o escudo antimíssil no seu estágio atual e o cronograma de sua implementação nos termos anunciados em 2012. Constatou-se que de fato a Europa exerce peso considerável na elaboração da política externa russa como um todo, que o aspecto crítico da relação com a Europa é a defesa antimíssil, que o principal ponto de cooperação para além de infraestrutura energética é o centro de inovação e tecnologia de Skolkovo. Conclui-se que no pós Guerra Fria são seguidas as linhas gerais da política externa da Rússia pré-revolucionária e da URSS, o que é descrito como o marco Defensivo-Reativo-Utilitário (DRU). Além disso, que a principal prioridade da PES da Rússia é sua manutenção enquanto grande potência (daí a importância de reter capacidade nuclear de segundo ataque); priorizar os fóruns multilaterais e empenhar-se na construção de um equilíbrio multipolar. Estas constatações serviram para convalidar a percepção acerca do papel da Europa como condicionante da política externa russa: seja para manter-se enquanto grande potência, para ter peso as decisões dos fóruns multilaterais ou ainda para consolidação da multipolaridade, importa para a Rússia uma Europa livre de ingerências extracontinentais. / This work aimed to do a preliminary assessment about the weight of Europe as being a determinant to Russian’s Foreign and Security Policy, with emphasis on the role played by the missile shield (NMD) in Europe. Therefore, we tried to do a briefly review of Russia's relations with Europe in the post-Cold War: the Kosovo’s War (1999), the Georgia’s War (2008) and the situation in Ukraine and the Black Sea Region (2011). In turn, the cooperation projects between European countries and Russia are examined more carefully. And, on the other hand, we analyze the missile shield in its current state and its implementation schedule pursuant announced in 2012. It has been found that in fact Europe has considerable weight in the development of Russia’s foreign policy as a whole, that the critical aspect of the relationship with Europe is the missile defense, that the main point of cooperation beyond energy infrastructure is the Skolkovo’s Center of Innovation and Technology. We conclude that the general lines of external politics in the pre-revolutionary Russia and the USSR are followed in the post-Cold War, which is described as the landmark-Reactive-Defensive Utility (RDU) In addition, the main priority of the Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy is the maintenance of it’s great power status (hence the importance of retaining nuclear second strike capability); prioritize multilateral forums and be engage in building a multipolar balance. These findings served to validate the perception about the role of Europe as a condition of Russia’s foreign policy: whether to maintain itself as a great power, to take the weight of the decisions multilateral forums, or to consolidate multipolarity, it matters to Russia an Europe free from extra continental interference.

Este trabalho se propôs a efetuar uma análise estratégica do peso da Europa como condicionante da Política Externa e de Segurança (PES) da Rússia, com ênfase ao papel cumprido pelo escudo antimíssil (NMD na Europa). Para tanto, procurou-se resenhar de forma muito breve as relações da Rússia com a Europa no pós Guerra Fria: a guerra do Kosovo (1999), a guerra da Geórgia (2008) e situação da Ucrânia e Mar Negro (2011). Por sua vez os projetos de cooperação entre os países da Europa e a Rússia são examinados com mais vagar. E, por outro lado, analisa-se o escudo antimíssil no seu estágio atual e o cronograma de sua implementação nos termos anunciados em 2012. Constatou-se que de fato a Europa exerce peso considerável na elaboração da política externa russa como um todo, que o aspecto crítico da relação com a Europa é a defesa antimíssil, que o principal ponto de cooperação para além de infraestrutura energética é o centro de inovação e tecnologia de Skolkovo. Conclui-se que no pós Guerra Fria são seguidas as linhas gerais da política externa da Rússia pré-revolucionária e da URSS, o que é descrito como o marco Defensivo-Reativo-Utilitário (DRU). Além disso, que a principal prioridade da PES da Rússia é sua manutenção enquanto grande potência (daí a importância de reter capacidade nuclear de segundo ataque); priorizar os fóruns multilaterais e empenhar-se na construção de um equilíbrio multipolar. Estas constatações serviram para convalidar a percepção acerca do papel da Europa como condicionante da política externa russa: seja para manter-se enquanto grande potência, para ter peso as decisões dos fóruns multilaterais ou ainda para consolidação da multipolaridade, importa para a Rússia uma Europa livre de ingerências extracontinentais. / This work aimed to do a preliminary assessment about the weight of Europe as being a determinant to Russian’s Foreign and Security Policy, with emphasis on the role played by the missile shield (NMD) in Europe. Therefore, we tried to do a briefly review of Russia's relations with Europe in the post-Cold War: the Kosovo’s War (1999), the Georgia’s War (2008) and the situation in Ukraine and the Black Sea Region (2011). In turn, the cooperation projects between European countries and Russia are examined more carefully. And, on the other hand, we analyze the missile shield in its current state and its implementation schedule pursuant announced in 2012. It has been found that in fact Europe has considerable weight in the development of Russia’s foreign policy as a whole, that the critical aspect of the relationship with Europe is the missile defense, that the main point of cooperation beyond energy infrastructure is the Skolkovo’s Center of Innovation and Technology. We conclude that the general lines of external politics in the pre-revolutionary Russia and the USSR are followed in the post-Cold War, which is described as the landmark-Reactive-Defensive Utility (RDU) In addition, the main priority of the Russia’s Foreign and Security Policy is the maintenance of it’s great power status (hence the importance of retaining nuclear second strike capability); prioritize multilateral forums and be engage in building a multipolar balance. These findings served to validate the perception about the role of Europe as a condition of Russia’s foreign policy: whether to maintain itself as a great power, to take the weight of the decisions multilateral forums, or to consolidate multipolarity, it matters to Russia an Europe free from extra continental interference.

The present study elaborates a poetics of cross-cultural writing. Its primary theoretical reference is the ‘cross-cultural poetics’ (poétique de la relation) of Edouard Glissant: a set of poetic tropes and narrative structural strategies that he identifies in the mixed cultural setting of the Caribbean, in Le Discours antillais. My thesis argues that if these poetic strategies are indeed a response to specific social, cultural and political situations, then if analogous situations were considered elsewhere, we might expect an analogous poetics to arise. Taking North Africa as an example context, and specifically the novels of the Algerians Kateb Yacine, Assia Djebar, Mohammed Dib, and the Sudanese Tayeb Salih, I argue that these writers’ complex poetic strategies engage with – indeed, help to articulate – analogous socio-political concerns arising in their homelands. The formal poetical analysis of these authors is based on several key thematic tropes and structural strategies that Glissant advocates in his cross-cultural poetics. My five chapters consider roots and origins, living landscapes, silence and screams, literary opacity, and structural polyphony. They also develop a new critical vocabulary to describe how Glissant’s poetical strategies might take form at a close textual level; my analysis reveals a complex, and reciprocal, relationship between poetic expression and socio-political context. Glissant’s work is therefore shown to be more broadly relevant, but the founding tenets of his theory are also interrogated and questioned; the comparison with a North African setting entails a (re)assessment of the underlying conceptions of Glissant’s poetics – of the implicit logic by which he connects poetic form to social, cultural and political factors. These factors, for Glissant, also display a clear overlap with the (post)colonial; in studying cross-culturality, the postcolonial, and the poetics engendered by their overlapping, my thesis presents a specific critical focus for the postcolonial literary field.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 296-320).

This thesis seeks to discuss the ways in which canonical Francophone Algerian authors, writing in the late-colonial period (1945 - 1962), namely Kateb Yacine, Mohammed Dib, Mouloud Feraoun, Mouloud Mammeri and Assia Djebar, approached the representation of Algerian women through literature. The thesis, divided into five chapters, each focusing on the late-colonial oeuvre of one writer, initially makes use of Bourdieusian conceptions relating to a gendered "dissymétrie fondementale" and concomitant Spivakian notions of representation, to argue that a masculine domination of public fields of representation contributed to, if not ensured, a post-colonial marginalization of women and a reduction of their public role. However, it is the principal argument of this thesis that the canonical writers of the period, who were mostly male, both textually acknowledge their inability to articulate the experiences and subjectivity of the feminine Other, to represent women, and deploy a remarkable variety of formal and conceptual innovations in an attempt to tentatively produce evocations of Algerian femininity that seek to upset or highlight the structural imbalance of masculine symbolic hegemony in literary and socio-political milieux. Though this thesis does not shy from investigating those aspects of its corpus that produce ideologically conditioned masculinist representations, it chiefly seeks to articulate a shared reluctance concerning representativity and an omnipresent literary subversion of a masculine subject pole. It deploys formal narrative analysis, Lacanian psychoanalytical frameworks and a conceptualisation of "pessimistic" form to achieve these ends and to argue that the texts of its corpus discreetly militate for a communal feminine self-representation to be inaugurated, before outlining in its conclusion a post-colonial Algerian feminine literary tradition, in particular contemporary symbolic conduits such as la bande dessinée that might serve as effective motors for progression in gender relations.