La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie. Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables : la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales. Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…).

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Organizing for and conducting effective public affairs (PA), public diplomacy (PD), and psychological operations (PSYOPS) in support of national security objectives is a complex endeavor. In many instances, the desired psychological "effects" are contingent on the efficiency of the organizational structure conducting the programs themselves along with the development and dissemination of appropriate messages and themes. At the present, the USG's ability to influence on a global scale is deficient due to fragmented organizational structure and underdeveloped doctrine relating to strategic influence. Duplication of efforts, inconsistent themes, and the lack of a long-term, strategically focused, integrated information strategy have been inhibiting factors to American foreign policy success. This thesis will examine public diplomacy, public affairs and psychological operations, and look at how the U.S. Government (USG) has organized for and conducted strategic influence as it relates to Operation Iraqi Freedom.

More than four years after the September 11 attacks, it is time to reexamine the state of American grand strategy to identify possible refinements to improve synchronization, resource allocation and policy execution at all levels. This research examines U.S. grand strategy to determine the nation's plan for employing five instruments of national power: diplomatic, informational, military, economic, and law enforcement. It develops seven fundamental features of a grand strategy, and compares thirteen national strategy documents to these fundamentals to determine areas for future refinement. The study uses a brief analysis of national responses to the IRA, Sikh militants, and Hezbollah in Lebanon to illustrate these features in action. The study concludes by proposing a series of steps to refine America's grand strategy as well as a framework to integrate instruments of national power in the struggle against transnational terrorism.

Despite the importance of the Slave Trade Question in European diplomacy from 1807-1822, historians of this period have neglected it in order to concentrate on Napoleon and the reconstruction of Europe. Scholars of Negro history generally have traced the slave trade up to 1807 and then have turned to the emancipation movement. This thesis represents an attempt to satisfy the need for a diplomatic study of this issue.

Governments often fund foreign nationals to live, work and study in their countries, creating specialist programmes tasked with promoting international mobility. In this thesis I establish that much of this funding is intended to serve a public diplomacy agenda, improving international relations to the benefit of the sponsor. Expectations about how offering funding to foreigners affects international relations have come to centre on what I label the ‘symmetric public diplomacy model’, which suggests that governments intend to influence other countries’ behaviour by influencing their citizens. I tested this model using a combination of panel surveys and interviews with students who took part in these programmes. Although mobility programmes do bring many educational and personal benefits to participants, my results do not support the expectation that they endow most visiting foreigners with more helpful attitudes than they would have developed had they not taken part in the programmes. While other studies have come to different conclusions on this issue, the research design employed in this thesis is better-suited to the task than most others. Mobility programmes may bring diplomatic benefits by other means. One possibility is that the act of creating, for example, scholarships for foreign nationals sends signals to foreign governments. The histories of major British scholarship programmes suggest that they were originally created to signal goodwill or distract attention from potentially-embarrassing policies. Despite this, administrators now present these programmes as tools of public diplomacy. The symmetric public diplomacy model has been applied to these programmes long after they were initially created, and I suggest that the model may have been adopted because it is useful for attracting funding to continue and expand mobility programmes.

Henry Kissinger has often been depicted as a disciple of Continental realism, and a rarity among American Cold War diplomats. According to this interpretation, Kissinger did not concern himself with domestic politics, public opinion, and economic issues in his diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, and was focused solely on primary high-policy issues such as ending the Vietnam War. However, his later actions as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under Presidents Nixon and Ford were decidedly inconsistent with Continental realism. This thesis argues that Kissinger gradually incorporated economic issues as part of his ―diplomatic arsenal,‖ in which the context of East-West trade facilitated a transition away from Continental realism toward a ―naturalized‖ realism inclusive of more traditional American foreign policy elements. These elements include economic issues, domestic politics, and the relationship between the statesman and the American public. / Dr. Werner Lippert Dr. Sharon Franklin-Rahkonen Dr. Steven Schroeder Dr. Thomas Alan Schwartz

Thesis (MDIPS(Diplomatic Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references.

News frames represent the way an issue is processed and presented by the media. As such, news frames have great influence over public opinion and could therefore be useful in controlling a country’s image abroad. This study builds upon existing literature and theories in an attempt to bring scholarship closer to an understanding of what frames are most likely to be effective for use in public diplomacy by identifying what frames and frame types currently influence audiences internationally. Specifically, The study examines what structures are commonly used to frame international issues, what frame content may not be accepted by a foreign audience and the extent to which elites control the local framing competition. This thesis uses both a framing discourse analysis and a content analysis to evaluate news stories from American, Chinese and Vietnamese outlets as well as American elites. The results found that while elites appear to control the general direction of framing in a country, American journalists are willing to suggest other frames as long as they enhance the drama of the narrative. However, this storytelling imperative is not likely to cross a line into questioning the legitimacy of the media’s home country, indicating that such challenging messages should be avoided in public diplomacy. Frequency of frame structure (conflict, responsibility and consequence) use was also identified, and a positive correlation found between privately owned media and use of consequence frame types. Given the less antagonistic nature of these frame structures, they may be extremely effective in public diplomacy communications - as long as the right consequence is emphasised. It is hoped that these findings will aid scholars and practitioners of public diplomacy in identifying effective ways to communicate messages across countries, and that it will strengthen the argument for the role of ‘listening’ in public diplomacy.

In the late sixteenth century English commerce expanded under the auspices of the Levant Company into the Ottoman Empire, which resulted in the establishment of an English Embassy at Constantinople, enabling the English Crown to pursue its aspirations as a European power. English Ambassadors involved themselves in the affairs of the Ottoman Empire and surrounding states, including those of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, both Ottoman vassal states. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries a number of men claiming to be the rightful rulers of these principalities sought the support of the English Crown and its Embassy in Constantinople; prominent amongst them was Stefan Bogdan. The Introduction discusses various historians' contributions to the study of ?tefan Bogdan's career. Chapter 1 examines Moldavia's relations with the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Poland. Chapters 2 and 3 describe the status and activities of the English Embassy and its early ambassadors. Chapter 4 deals with England's involvement with Moldavian and Wallachian pretenders prior to 9tefan Bogdan's approaches. Chapters 5, 6 and 7 examine Bogdan's aspirations, the steps he took to achieve his goal and the reasons for his ultimate failure and considers the nature of the support accorded him by the English Crown. Chapter 8 discusses the career of Gaspar Gratiani, a former embassy employee, who was appointed Prince of Moldavia as a reward for subsequent services to the Sultan. The Conclusion discusses the preoccupations of English diplomacy in this period as revealed by English policies towards Moldavia. This thesis aims to describe the establishment of one of the first permanent English Embassies abroad and shed light on a difficult period in the history of what is now part of modern Romania.