Successful communication requires that the two parties involved in the activity acquire mutually shared socio-cultural background knowledge. The shared expectations, beliefs and cultural values enable the two parties to properly and correctly infer the intended meaning of each other's messages in order to respond or act accordingly and appropriately. International diplomats, who use language at almost al I times to conduct and negotiate international relations, belong to different cultures. This implies that they do not share sociocultural background knowledge which is vital ly crucial for any successful communication. The diversity of their expectations, beliefs and values causes interference between linguistic and sociocultural meanings which leads to problems of misunderstanding and misinterpretation. By applying sociolinguistics perspective in its holistic sense, the thesis investigated diplomatic communication events of personal experience of the 'dip l omat-res ear cher' as we 11 as se If -reported events by the career diplomats who were interviewed and taperecorded. The analysed diplomatic events were measured by quantitative data obtained from the questionnaire which was distributed among ambassadors around the world. The questionnaire results were corroborated by the results obtained from the events of persona 1 exper i ence as we 11 as by the e vents reported by the career di pl omats. iii The verified results, which proved the thesis' hypothesisq explored the shortcomings of current diplomatic communication; misunderstand i ng, misinterpretation and misjudgement characterized the career diplomats' activities and eventuated undesired and unfortunate outcomes. In order to overcome such unpleasant results and to minimize the effect of the diversity of diplomats' socio-cultural background the thesis proposed certain criteria which included elements of the language of diplomacy, qualities of good diplomats and principles of conducting successful diplomatic communication. By observing and satisfying the conditions of these criteria, future diplomacy is most likely to produce successful results.

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Historians have studied the Peninsular War in great detail for almost 200 years. Most of these works have focused on the military exploits of the involved nations or the individual participants. Those who have examined the diplomatic aspects of the war between France and Great Britain usually focus on the later years of the war when more famous men served in the important positions. The latter period of the conflict also receives more attention from the military standpoint, so there is little surprise in the fact that diplomacy studies often mirror that emphasis. Contemporary scholars have largely overlooked the decade leading up to the conflict, 1800 – 1807. The same observation holds true as well for the early years of the conflict, 1808 – 1810. This dissertation examines these important years, and their influence, on the Peninsular War. The efforts of the British to support both the Spaniards and the Portuguese in the initial years of their struggle against France proved critical to the success eventually achieved in Iberia. In particular, the roles played by two British diplomats, John Hookham Frere and John Charles Villiers, demonstrate the difficulties faced by the British in this endeavor. Their efforts in both Spain and Portugal over the first decade of the nineteenth century typify the British experience in creating, solidifying, and maintaining alliances against France. These men dealt with unstable regency governments, a shortage of money, and even a lack of indigenous popular support at times. While these problems all relate to the situations in the foreign countries in which they served, Frere and Villiers also faced issues at home. From their dealings with the Foreign Office, to the oversight from Parliament, and the press coverage of their missions, they had no shortage of problems in London. Nevertheless, they sought to support the nations to which they were assigned. Most references to these two diplomats in the general histories of the war paint them in a negative light. Their whole story, however, has yet to emerge. This dissertation will take an important step in presenting a more complete story of the British diplomatic struggle in the early years of the Peninsular War. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Summer Semester, 2005. / April 28, 2005. / Peninsular War 1807-1814 -- Diplomatic history, Clarendon John Charles Villiers Earl of 1757-1838, Frere John Hookham 1769-1846 / Includes bibliographical references. / Donald D. Horward, Professor Directing Dissertation; Patrick M. O’Sullivan, Outside Committee Member; Michael Creswell, Committee Member; Jonathan A. Grant, Committee Member; Joe M. Richardson, Committee Member.

This case study focuses on the current purpose of the Art in Embassies (AIE) program that is run by the U.S. Department of State. More specifically, it examines how the temporary exhibition of art placed in Reykjavik, Iceland by AIE aids in fulfilling that purpose. I sought to determine how the U.S. Embassy in Iceland uses the exhibition and accompanying catalogue produced by Art in Embassies to educate visitors about American culture and aid in the embassy's cultural diplomacy efforts. I accomplished this by conducting interviews with the ambassador and Public Affairs staff in Reykjavik, members of the AIE staff, artists whose work was included in the exhibition, and Icelanders who had the opportunity to view the art in the ambassador's residence. My goal in researching this topic was to contribute to our understanding of the role visual art can play in cultural diplomacy. Initially, it was unclear to me how education factors into Art in Embassies, given that access to the art is limited. It is now my belief that there are certain posts around the world that are working to utilize their AIE exhibition to its fullest potential, and they should be commended for their efforts. However, much more needs to be done to encourage all ambassadors to use art as a tool for diplomacy. The lack of current research on Art in Embassies was a chief motivator for conducting this study. In recent years, the number of people researching the field of cultural diplomacy and writing on why the U.S. government should better engage in it has steadily increased (Cummings, 2003; Hurlburt & Ivey, n.d.; Sablosky, 2003; Schneider, 2002/2009). Despite this fact, little has been done to address this issue. As a well-established government program focused on art and culture, Art in Embassies is uniquely positioned to engage audiences around the world by harnessing the power of art to foster goodwill and mutual understanding. / text

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 287-311).

In recent decades international economic disputes have become ever more legalized, which in principle allows states to compartmentalize individual disputes from broader diplomatic relations. Nowhere is this more true than in the international investment regime, where private investors have been empowered to directly sue host states in international arbitration, rather than relying on their home states for diplomatic support. I challenge the standard narrative that investment protection has become "depoliticized", and reveal the persistent importance of informal commercial diplomacy in the settlement of investment disputes. I show that the US government continues to intervene diplomatically in disputes between American investors and developing country governments, despite the availability of institutional alternatives. Moreover, I argue such interventions are not primarily driven by pressure from private companies, but by government bureaucracies strategically pursuing their own interests, including advocating for investment climate reforms and demonstrating the value of commercial diplomacy to domestic constituencies. The empirical support for these claims proceeds in three stages. First, I use zero-inflated negative binomial regressions to demonstrate that American investors are more likely to file formal arbitration claims when they are less able to rely on diplomatic support, namely when the position of ambassador to the host state is temporarily vacant. Second, I provide a behind-the-scenes look at American investment protection policy using an original dataset of US diplomatic interventions in 256 investment disputes discussed in internal State Department cables released via WikiLeaks. Third, I use structured, focused comparisons in seven case studies of investment disputes to probe the particular drivers of US intervention, and show that diplomatic engagement is most likely in cases where the state itself has strong interests in intervening, rather than when private pressure compels it to do so. This thesis makes important and original contributions both to the literature on the international investment regime - which to date has broadly ignored the role of commercial diplomacy in contemporary dispute settlement - and to broader debates on the legalization of international economic disputes and the strategies firms use to shield themselves from political risks.

This study examines the influence of Rome’s diplomatic management in channels apart from official ones and open contacts among states, on her expansion and Republic from the 200s to 133 BCE. In this thesis such involvement in foreign affairs is called informal diplomacy. This terminology was not used by the Romans directly but is useful in showing the following. In the period of Rome’s advance into the Greek world, she approached not only foreign states but also individuals, while individual Romans also increasingly participated in such contacts independently. These acts sometimes took place openly and/or while using formal diplomatic exchanges and sometimes informally and secretly. The aim of the Romans concerned was to win over the people approached and their fellow citizens, and international public opinion, and these approaches were developed in parallel to official negotiations among states. This diplomacy enabled Rome to manage foreign affairs flexibly and contributed to her increasing the dependence of foreign states and individuals on her, in particular those in the Greek world. This thesis also argues that informal diplomacy caused struggles among the Romans symbolised by the violence that occurred in the tribunate of Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. This situation originated from the ill-defined relationship between informal diplomacy, legality, and the collective leadership of the senators. As informal diplomacy became more common among the Romans, the users individually rose among the leading Romans. This tendency undermined the dignity of the Senate, but this organ had no method to control it. Consideration of legitimacy of using informal diplomacy had been tacitly avoided by the Romans because of its ad hoc utility, and the Senate had not necessarily been the sole decision-maker in the Republic. Its leadership could be legitimately denied by the users of informal diplomacy if they had some authority and were supported by the people in and beyond Rome. All the Senate could do in order to maintain its dignity was to attempt to control them with political tactics and violence. This was a foretaste of the conflict that was to occur in the final century of the Republic. Through demonstrating these advantages and disadvantages of informal diplomacy to Rome, I show this diplomatic concept is a valuable and fruitful one to employ in the study of Rome during the period of remarkable expansion and afterwards.

The diploma thesis introduces the term public diplomacy and examines it in the context of Czech Republic. The aim of the thesis is to explore, describe and evaluate Czech Republic's practice in the field of public diplomacy. The study also focuses on the term nation branding and brand image of countries. A whole chapter is dedicated to the "brand Czech republic". The last part of the diploma thesis analyzes the Czech presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2009 from the view of its presentation and communication.

Public diplomacy helps to promote the state in the world and achieve its interests. Every state approachs in different way the public diplomacy. The thesis focuses on Italian public diplomacy, how is created, if it is a part of Italian foregin policy and which are their actors and instruments. At the end of the thesis is an analyse of concrete project of Italian public diplomacy.

Yes / Electronic diplomacy (E-diplomacy) is the use of technology by nations to define and establish diplomatic goals and objectives and to efficiently carry out the functions of diplomats. These functions include representation and promotion of the home nation, establishing both bilateral and multilateral relations, consular services and social engagement. It encapsulates the adoption of multiple ICT tools over the Internet to support a nation’s interests in other countries while ensuring that foreign relations are improved between the countries. Given its embryonic nature, little scholarly research has been undertaken to study its influence on diplomatic functions and the various factors that influence its implementation. This paper applies the Interpretative Structural Modelling (ISM) methodological approach to identify factors that impact the implementation of e-diplomacy and to determine their causal relationship and rankings. This study applies the ISM methodology to the subject of e-diplomacy. The ISM-based model provides a framework for practitioners to aid decision-making and manage the implementation of e-diplomacy.