Due to the changing society in Taiwan, R.O.C., values are badly twisted. Many teenagers make use of holiday nights to gather on highways to conduct dangerous driving (motorcycle racing). They cause traffic jams and obstruct traffic notoriously. What's worse, they even use violence to attack passengers, on-duty policemen and related government offices. Such behaviors not only break the law but also critically endanger social public security, posing threat to people's lives, bodies and properties. As police plays a role of maintaining social public security, the crackdowns and control of dangerous driving behaviors are important duties exercised by police. Dangerous driving control projects mainly adopt a "top-down" policy implementation model. The model emphasizes policy makers' decisions on policy goals and their leading position in directing actions. Basically, policy implementers are required to execute policy makers' will, that is, carry out supervisors' intentions and goals loyally in a strictly obedient top-down bureaucratic system. The model on one hand emphasizes a closely linked chain of orders and supervisors' control abilities; on the other hand, it advocates policy makers' reasonable design of policy implementation structure and regulations. Besides, the adoption of top-down implementation model usually emphasizes supervisors' goal-setting and project-planning abilities and overlooks lower-level implementers' motives, intentions and values. As it underestimates local officials' abilities in influencing policy goals, would it neglect a counterproductive effect exerted by policy implementers? While emphasizing laws and regulations, does it provide implementers with any discretion? Could it become a policy implementation game? As regards the bottom-up implementation model, it addresses the need of providing lower-level officials or local implementation organizations with discretion, which enables them to make suitable policies against a complicated environment. This means proper authorization for lower-level departments and subordinates to participate in policy making and implementation. In the model, supervisors or policy makers are not policy leaders but rather supporters who leave sufficient room for discretion so lower-level officials or local implementation organizations can construct a policy implementation process adaptable to the implementation environment. In such thinking mode and from the aspect of policy implementation, the study tries to examine and evaluate police organizations' dangerous driving control policies. A case study of the police organizations in Kaohsiung City was conducted. Based on a policy implementation theory constructed from three research approaches - top-down model of the first generation, bottom-up model of the second generation and integrated model of the third generation, the study made a comprehensive survey of the three research approaches and used it as the research method of the study. The main structure of the study is divided into five chapters: Chapter One - Introduction, which describes the motive, purpose and scope of study and definition of related terms; Chapter Two - Theory Basis and Literature Review, which reviews literature associated with the policy implementation theory constructed from the three research approaches, builds a study framework and decides research methods to be used in the study; Chapter Three - Research Methods, Scope and Limitations; Chapter Four - Analysis of the Results of Evaluation of Police Organizations' Dangerous Driving Control Policies, which makes analysis and induction through in-depth interviews with police officers to find out the reasons for various behaviors that affect police officers' implementation of dangerous driving control policies; Chapter Five - Conclusion and Suggestions, which raises problems discovered in the study, proposes improvement suggestions on dangerous driving control, provides police organizations with the best implementation tool from various dangerous driving control policies and analyses which one is the best in consideration of the choice and use of police tools.

The aim of this study is to further establish the validity and reliability of the Dula Dangerous Driving Index (DDDI). The reliability and validity of the instrument was investigated by comparing data from a US university sample, a US community sample, and a sample of Belgian traffic offenders. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis supported the presence of a four-factor structure with items for Drunk Driving forming a separate scale apart from items for Risky Driving, Negative Cognitive/Emotional Driving and Aggressive Driving. A multi-group confirmatory factor analysis with model constraints supported the validity of the DDDI. Inter-correlations revealed that the DDDI subscales are closely interrelated and uni-dimensionality of the measure was found in all three samples. This suggests the DDDI Total score can be used as a composite measure for dangerous driving. However, the validity of the subscales was demonstrated in the Belgian sample, as specific traffic offender groups (convicted for drunk driving, aggressive driving, speeding) scored higher on corresponding scales (Drunk Driving, Aggressive Driving, and Risky Driving, respectively), indicating that it is clinically meaningful to differentiate the subscales.

Dangerous driving behaviors are influenced by multiple factors including cognitive processes such as impulse inhibition and attentiveness. Impulsiveness, inattention, and cognitive failures have been linked to other risky behaviors, but a comprehensive evaluation using multiple methods of measurement of these has never been conducted to analyze their impact on dangerous driving. The purpose of this study was to examine influences of attentional abilities, impulsiveness, and cognitive failures on reported and demonstrated dangerous driving behaviors. Seventy-five participants completed a self-report dangerous driving measure, a self-report ADHD measure, a self-report impulsiveness measure, a continuous performance task to measure behavioral impulsivity and inattention, a measure of cognitive failures, and a driving simulator task. Two hierarchical linear regressions with simultaneous entry into blocks were used to analyze contributions of impulsiveness, inattention, and cognitive failures assessments in predicting dangerous driving behavior. Results indicated these assessments accounted for a significant proportion of the variance in Dula Dangerous Driving Index (3DI) scores above and beyond the effects of age and sex, Adjusted R▓ = .20, F(6, 59) = 2.51, p < .05, but no significant individual predictors emerged. Scores on these measures were also found to account for a significant amount of the variance in risky driving as measured by the driving simulator, above and beyond the effects of age and sex, Adjusted R▓ = .15, F(6, 60) = 2.91, p < .05, and identified BIS-11 scores and ADHD-RS impulsiveness scores as significant individual predictors. It seems that despite multiple methods of assessment, it is still difficult to capture the assumed relationships between each of these factors and driving. Though each assessment measures different aspects of constructs related to dangerous driving, the lack of relationships and predictive abilities may indicate that impulsiveness, inattention, cognitive failures, and dangerous driving may be more complex and multifaceted than previously understood.

This study sought to investigate the relationship between cell phone conversation type and dangerous driving behaviors. It was hypothesized that more emotional phone conversations engaged in while driving would produce greater frequencies of dangerous driving behaviors in a simulated environment than more mundane conversation or no phone conversation at all. Participants were semi-randomly assigned to one of three conditions: (1) no call, (2) mundane call, and, (3) emotional call. While driving in a simulated environment, participants in the experimental groups received a phone call from a research confederate who either engaged them in innocuous conversation (mundane call) or arguing the opposite position of a deeply held belief of the participant (emotional call). Participants in the no call and mundane call groups differed significantly only on percent time spent speeding and center line crossings, though the mundane call group consistently engaged in more of all dangerous driving behaviors than did the no call participants. Participants in the emotional call group engaged in significantly more dangerous driving behaviors than participants in both the no call and mundane call groups, with the exception of traffic light infractions, where there were no significant group differences. Though there is need for replication, the authors concluded that whereas talking on a cell phone while driving is risky to begin with, having emotionally intense conversations is considerably more dangerous.

Aggressive driving is a phenomenon that has taken on tremendous significance in society. While the issue has been studied from perspectives of several disciplines, relatively few comprehensive empirical investigations have been conducted. This may be due, at least in part, to a scarcity of comprehensive theoretical works in the field, from which methodical research hypotheses could be derived. This paper reviews major extant theories of general aggression to offer a rationale for choosing a particular framework to apply to the topic of aggressive driving. The social-cognitive model of aggressive driving is recommended, as it takes into account wide-ranging cognitive, situational, and dispositional factors. Implications for future research are also considered.

Driving anxiety that has developed following crashes has been studied relatively frequently, but anxiety per se and its effects on driving has not as yet garnered much attention in the literature. The current study included 1121 participants and found higher levels of general anxiety were related to a wide variety of dangerous driving behaviors. While there were clear and expected sex differences on many dangerous driving variables, there were still more such differences with regard to anxiety levels and independent of sex, higher levels of anxiety were associated with greater levels of dangerous driving. Of particular import, it was found that the high anxiety group had caused significantly more crashes and engaged in more DUI episodes than the low and/or medium anxiety groups. Taken as a whole, the results suggest there is a tremendous need for more research in the area of anxiety and dangerous driving and that interventions for highly anxious drivers may well be warranted.

The Dula Dangerous Driving Index (DDDI) was created to measure drivers' self-reported propensity to drive dangerously (Dula & Ballard, in press). In the early stages of development, the DDDI and each of its subscales (Dangerous Driving Total, Aggressive Driving, Negative Emotional Driving, and Risky Driving) were found to have strong internal reliability (alphas from .83 to .92), and there was evidence of construct validity. In Study One, the alpha coefficient of .91 for the DDDI Total scale indicated excellent internal reliability for the measure and good internal reliability was demonstrated for its subscales with coefficient alphas equal to .81 for the DDDI Risky Driving subscale, .79 for the DDDI Negative Emotional subscale, and the DDDI Aggressive Driving subscale. Additionally, convergent and divergent validity was shown for the DDDI, but evidence was weaker for the validity of the separate subscales. Factor analysis demonstrated that the DDDI seemed to measure a unitary construct. In Study Two, coefficients of stability were generated from a four-week test-retest procedure, which were .76 for the DDDI Risky Driving subscale, .68 for the DDDI Negative Emotional subscale, .55 for the DDDI Aggressive Driving subscale, and .73 for the DDDI Total. In Study Three, the percentage of variance accounted for in criterion variables by different models ranged from 13.6% to 47.7%, where the DDDI Negative Emotional and DDDI Total scales frequently accounted for large portions of variance. In Study Four, the percent of variance accounted for in criterion variables by different models ranged from 22.0% to 65.6%, where some of the DDDI scales were regularly found to account for significant variance. Thus, it was concluded that the DDDI is a measure with high levels of internal reliability and reasonable stability across time, and that face, construct, and predictive validity was demonstrated. However, the evidence in support of the present division of subscales was weak, though present. Therefore, should further data fail to produce more substantial evidence for the validity of the DDDI subscales, a singular dangerous driving measure would be warranted, and the number of items should be shortened as guided by results from factorial analysis. / Ph. D.

The scene of dangerous driving (street racing) has been seen in 1986; however, the situation has not been redressed a bit after the long-term prevention by police force. Nevertheless, since the problem of dangerous driving first appeared in 1955 in Japan, by the long-term prevention, the situation has been well redressed and some talented F1 racing drivers have been cultivated. On May, 11th, 2012, a Japanese racing driver, Kamui Kobayashi, took the 5th place in Spanish Grand Prix. Dangerous driving has been banned by force in our nation; yet, the auto racing industry has not been developed in line with modern society. In a long period of time, the prevention of dangerous driving has been ineffective due to the banning manner, instead of venting, that the government adopted, which leads to a huge waste of human power and resources. Police force is the current administrative authority for preventing dangerous driving. The legal basis for police to enforce or exercise its power or right is officially available since the Police Duties Enforcement Act was promulgated on Dec. 12th 2003, followed by the interpretation of Shih-Zih No. 535 made by the Council of Grand Justices. The Police Duties Enforcement Act does not only regulate that the enforcement of police powers should be complied with proportionality by specific manner, but also provides the legal basis for the enforcement of police powers. Human right and police itself are also safeguarded. Nevertheless, whether the enforcement of the Act can redress dangerous driving, or weather it can represent that dangerous driving can be corrected only by police is worth discussing in this study. Dangerous driving has been a troublesome problem to Kaohsiung City. By this study, I found out that banning dangerous driving by strict force affects little to the prevention of it. Through the analysis of the five major frameworks of administrative law, I suggest that the government should not regard dangerous driving as a pure event of public disorder, but a social phenomenon. Except for banning illegal dangerous driving, the central government should take the advantage of the situation to allow local self-governing to promote auto-racing industry. The government should also play the role of leading and changing the illegal and dangerous driving to the legal auto racing game with reasonable and effective management, and to set a managing mechanism in terms of the platform for modified parts. Through this manner, the government can not only benefit from taxing, but also control dangerous deriving effectively, which leads to a win-win situation for both of the government and its people.

Due to the great change of Taiwan social environment, values are seriously distorted. Many adolescents would gather together at holiday nights for dangerous driving on road (racing) which not only causes gridlock on road and interferes traffic seriously, what¡¦s worse is these youths even attack the public, police officers on duty and related competed agency with force. This behavior not only violates legal regulations but damages social security severely, threatens citizens¡¦ life, body and property safety. Since the role of police officer serves as the function of social security maintenance, to clamp down and hold back dangerous driving is one important segment for the exercise of police powers. The exercise method of police powers in Taiwan has been reformed greatly due to the change of political and economical situation. During Martial Law Period, to meet the demand, this nation conferred authority on police officers to great extension. The nature of duty enforcement also belonged to regulation, clampdown, and penalty with compulsive implementation upon enforcement. However, the delegation scope pursuant to law is unspecific and the requirement of enforcement is general, human right violation controversy is often occurred. Till Interpretation of Shih-Zih No. 535 made by Grand Justice of Judicial Yuan, police authority then faces the importance of administrative procedure and is able to step forward to a country of nomocracy. With the promotion from all circles, ¡§Act of Exercise of the Police Powers¡¨ of Taiwan was effected on Dec. 1, 2003, herein not only regulates specifically the definition, function of power limits and implementation method of police officer, it also stipulates the practical measures of civil rights adopted for police powers exercise in proclamation to demand police officers to be in compliance with principle of proportionality while exercising authority. It also bestows the legal basis on police powers exercising that can look after both the insurance of human right and the maintenance of police safety which really possesses groundbreaking meaning of a time. Only that whether the formulation of the said act in practical really indicates the dangerous driving prevention legal system of police officers has already achieved its perfection worth the further research and exploration by this study. Administrative law is deep and profound as well as extensive and infinite and hasn¡¦t formed a complete administration law till now. Only that with observation from the method and principle of administrative act, it can be divided into five main structures of Basic Principle, Organization Framework, Limit of Administrative Rights, Administrative Relief, and Administrative Surveillance. Any administrative legal system pursuits to achieve its perfection, it then shall be analyzed by the five main structures of administrative act. Therefore, the five main structures of administrative act serve as the center in this study to examine the dangerous driving prevention legal system of police officer and review the practice method of police authority and compare to current relative decrees and regulations, expecting police officers can work out the problems concerning to the requirements of power exercise and procedure and to be advantageous to the reinforcement of dangerous driving prevention. Under this pattern of thought, this study tries to examine all systems upon dangerous driving prevention and clampdown of Taiwan police officers from the angle of administrative act with the said five main structures of administrative act basic principles as the research method in this study. The main frameworks of this study are divided into seven chapters respectively: Chapter 1 Introduction To bring forth the dubious interpretation of current dangerous driving prevention reinforcement by police authority firstly to explain the research motive, purpose, research scope, limits, research method, framework, the determination of related terms, and so on. Chapter 2 The Basic Principle of Dangerous Driving Prevention Legal System of Police Officer. To interpret the concept and definition of dangerous driving firstly and then bring forth the cruxes in reality and data analysis against the four aspects of society with actual phenomena, economy with most appropriate adjustment, politics of interrogation and legal system of decrees and regulations to make us understand the establishment background of dangerous driving prevention legal system of police officers. And further to compliment with Japan dangerous driving prevention system, the analysis of international aspect to adopt the successful experiences of dangerous driving prevention in foreign countries; and then explore the nomocracy of dangerous driving legal system of police officers from the angle of three principles of administrative act and seven principles of procedure justices to discuss the related legal basis and regulations concerning police power exercise; and finally explore the participation of relative parties of dangerous driving prevention legal system of police officers, expecting to assist police officers in the reinforcement of dangerous driving prevention with the participation of the public to make the dangerous driving prevention legal system more complete. Chapter 3 The Organization Framework of Dangerous Driving Prevention Legal System of Police Officer To explore current central and local police administrative organization to deep understand the problems of organization framework, personnel system and fund budget of police authority, expecting to establish complete organization framework for the advantages of practical operation of dangerous driving prevention of police authority. Chapter 4 The Limit of Administrative Rights and Implementation of Dangerous Driving Prevention Legal System of Police Officer Traditional clampdown with penalty and other administrative actions exempted from high power type are included. The types and meaning is to be explored against the regulation items of seven ¡§Administrative Procedure Law,¡¨ including Administrative Investigation, Administrative Plan, Administrative Legislation, Administrative Penalty, Administrative Contract, Administrative Instruction, and the insurance of Administrative Duty Reinforcement that is helpful for the clear-up of the requirements and procedures of police power exercise. Chapter 5 The Relief and Solutions to Problems Arising from Dangerous Driving Prevention Legal System of Police Officer According to the different categories of agency receiving relief procedures, they can be divided into the administrative relief within and outside administrative system. Start from the relief system of compliant, declaration against different opinions and petition; and then discuss the administrative suit system outside administrative system; and then continue to compliment other relief ways of petition and pleading; and finally to explore national compensation, constitute interpretation and public vote one by one to cover all surveillance rights of people in details. Chapter 6 The Administrative Surveillance of Dangerous Driving Prevention Legal System of Police Officer Due to quality and quantity changes of modern country administration, the necessity of administrative control increases day by day. Complete administrative surveillance legal system consists in exploring the supervising system of inspect, supervise, political affairs and sales within police authority and outer supervising system of power, the public, opinion and social groups. With the supervising function of administrative surveillance to expect the work of dangerous driving prevention of police officer would meet the demand of nation, society and people in the respects of legal system and effects. Chapter 7 Conclusion and Suggestion To bring forth problems discovered after research and propose suggestions for improvements against dangerous driving prevention for the reference of police officers upon the reinforcement.

La consommation de cannabis et la conduite sous l’influence du cannabis sont des préoccupations grandissantes dans la société d’aujourd’hui. Le but de la présente étude est d’examiner plus en profondeur la relation entre la fréquence de consommation de cannabis chez les jeunes adultes et la prise de risque sur la route. Les participants (n=48) sont tous des hommes âgés de 18 à 26 ans. Ils ont complété une batterie de questionnaires ainsi qu’une tâche sur simulateur de conduite. Les résultats indiquent que la fréquence de consommation de cannabis est associée positivement avec la prise de risque auto rapportée et suggèrent une tendance positive avec les comportements risqués observés lors de la simulation de conduite en laboratoire. Lorsque les différents groupes de consommateurs sont comparés, ceux qui font un usage quotidien ou multihebdomadaire de cannabis semblent prendre plus de risques au volant que ceux qui consomment une fois semaine et moins ou encore une fois par mois et moins. De plus, il semble que plus les individus consomment fréquemment de la marijuana, plus ils ont tendance à adopter des attitudes permissives en lien avec la conduite sous l’influence de cannabis. Les implications quant à l’intervention sont discutées. / Cannabis use and driving under the influence of cannabis have become a growing concern in today’s society. The aim of the present study was to further examine the relationship between the use frequency of cannabis among young adults and on-road risk taking. Participants (n=48) were all men aged between 18 and 26 years old who were asked to complete questionnaires and to perform in a simulation task. Results indicate that the use frequency of cannabis is positively associated with self-report of risky driving and suggest a trend with observed risk taking behaviour during the simulation. When comparing the different cannabis users, participants who consumed daily or multiple times a week seem to take more risk on the road than those who use cannabis once a week or less and less than monthly. Moreover, it seems that marijuana users who consume more frequently have a tendency of adopting more permissive attitudes toward smoking cannabis and taking the wheel. Implications for interventions are discussed.