Depuis les années 60, la génération d’acide fort de Brönsted par un processus photoinduit à un photon est utilisée dans des nombreux domaines de recherche de plus en plus nombreux. Cependant, de tels acides peuvent-être facilement obtenus par voie biphotonique ce qui présente de nombreux avantages comme par exemple : une meilleure réactivité via une excitation direct du photoacide, l’utilisation possible d’une atmosphère non contrôlée, l’utilisation de microlasers à impulsions sub-nanosecondes peu couteux, mais aussi l’augmentation de la résolution spatiale des micro-objets 3D fabriqués. La génération d’acide se fait généralement par transfert d’électron entre un sensibilisateur et un générateur de photoacide (PAG). Une approche prometteuse consiste à associer, sur une même molécule, un PAG et un chromophore actif à deux photons. Il a donc semblé intéressant de développer de nouveaux PAG capables, par excitation biphotonique, d’amorcer directement la photopolymérisation. Nous avons choisi de préparer des systèmes capto-datifs stilbéniques, de nature neutre ou ionique. Aussi, une série de PAG neutres substitués par des groupements diphénylamino- donneur et iminosulfonates -cyanés accepteurs a été synthétisée. Nous avons également commencé, mais non achevé, la synthèse de PAG neutres portant des groupements iminosulfonates -trifluorométhylés. Puis, nous avons cherché à synthétiser des PAG ioniques substitués soit par un groupement éthoxy soit par un groupement diphénylamino soit par un groupement julolidine. Néanmoins, la dernière étape de la synthèse est pour l’instant un verrou synthétique. / Since the 60’s, the generation of strong Brönsted acids by a one-proton photoinduced process has been used in more and more research areas. Recently, it has been shown, that such acids are easily obtained by a two-photon process. This offers many advantages such as: i) a better reactivity owing to a direct excitation of the photoacid, ii) the possible use of a non-controlled atmosphere, iii) the use of inexpensive microlasers with sub-nanosecond impulsions, iv) the increase of spatial resolution in 3D microfabrication. The acid generation generally proceeds through a photo-induced electro transfer from an excited sensitizer to the photoacid generator (PAG). A promising approach should be the introduction on a single molecule of both a PAG and a two-photon active chromophore moiety. In this context, we have developed new PAGs able to initiate photopolymerisation through a two-photon activation process. The syntheses were focused on stilbenic push-pull systems having either a neutral or an ionic nature. A series of neutral PAGs bearing a diphenylamino donor group and an α-cyano iminosulfonate acceptor moiety has been synthesized. The preparation of neutral PAGs bearing iminosulfonate α-trifluoromethylated groups were not yet completed. The syntheses of ionic PAGs substituted by an ethoxy group, a diphenylamino group or a julolidine one, could not be completed either.

This thesis disserts on problem of translation of dative relations in Karel Čapek's "Tales from two pockets" into Japanese. Goal of the thesis is to identify and describe means of expression of dative in Japanese translation and figure out if there are any differences in interpretaion and expressing dative in Czech and Japanese and what they are. Using method of excerption of example sentences and comparation of original with translated version, I organised the example sentences into six categories according to linguistic means of expressing equivalent of Czech dative used in Japanese translation. In these six categories, there are included both grammatical and semanthic expressions and idioms and phrases. The result is the detection of the main difference in degree of necessity to express a dative subject explicitly. There is a strong tendency of Japanese to implicit expression of dativ subject by means of special expressions of personal orientation, semanthics of predicate or context.

The subject of the present study is an analysis of five ditransitive verbs: give, lend, send, offer and show. The study focuses on the position of the two objects and on the factors that have an impact on the object ordering. An attempt is here made to provide a systematic overview of the position of the two objects with respect to their realization (i.e. substantival or pronominal). As regards the realization of the two objects, four types are distinguished: i. both Oi /Oprep and Od realized by nouns; ii. both Oi /Oprep and Od realized by pronouns; iii. Oi /Oprep realized by a noun and Od by a pronoun; iv. Oi /Oprep realized by a pronoun and Od by a noun. The position of the objects is assumed to be associated with the distribution of communicative dynamism or in other words with the principle of end-focus, i.e. that given information tends to precede new information. The second principle that operates in the ordering the two objects is the principle of end-weight. Of the three (or four, including intonation) factors whose interplay determines the FSP function of a clause element, in the case of ditransitive complementation the most important role is played by the contextual factor. Therefore, particular attention is paid to the context-dependence / independence of the two objects. The present...

本論文著眼於「共時」與「歷時」兩個視角，並從方言、跨語言現象及歷史語料討論「喫」「吃」「乞」的相關議題，包括歷史音韻、方言語法、歷史語法。 根據我們的研究結果顯示，「喫」「吃」兩字來自於「齧」「齕」的部件取代，而「喫」「吃」混用的機制是聲符「乞」「契」的音同所致，最終「喫」「吃」形成異形同義字。另外，也針對表示飲食義的「喫」進行歷史音韻的推測，按照音變的規則「見」系「溪」母的「喫」在現代漢語應讀為顎化音，但在詞彙擴散的效應下部份的聲母，流入中古的「照」系，其他的例子像是「廈」「閘」也循此變化模式。 文獻指出元明以後「喫」「吃」「乞」三者都有當作被動標記的用例，並且相互的混用。透過閩方言的音韻資料顯示，「喫」「吃」「乞」表示被動的語義根源並不相同，三者的混用主要是在歷史音變中形成一組同音字。 閩方言中有一個單用的入聲「乞」兼表給予、使役、索取、被動。而在閩南地區被動用法則為「乞與」或以授予動詞「與」兼用。因此，我們建立了一個假設：閩方言內部的被動標記「乞」可能有不同的語義根源，一個是和授予動詞「與」複合的「乞與」朝向授予>使役>被動發展；一個是「乞」由索求到被動。為了論證這個觀點，本文從英語的“get”作為觀察，並討論了「與格轉換」、「詞義分解」、原型施事受事理論。 從方言語料顯示「乞」可以出現在動詞及與格標記的位置，形成S+乞+DO+乞+IO；以及雙賓結構「乞+IO+DO」。透過與格轉換理論，前者可以推導出後者，另外歷史上也見到「乞與+IO+DO」的雙賓句式，這兩種句式的存在就是為了辨義作用，如同漢語的「借」和「借給」。閩方言裡不使用「乞與+IO+DO」的雙賓句式，因此我們推測當「乞與」形成之初是一組反義並列，隨著「與」的共現和語法化「乞與」複合成使役動詞並列，並朝向被動標記發展。對照「乞與」的發展推測，單用的「乞」其來源就值得探究。 閩方言單用的被動標記「乞」基本上都必須帶有施事者，形成長被動「NP1+乞+NP2+V」，但有少數的用例顯示，仍可以接受不帶施事的短被動「NP1+乞+V」。動詞「乞」的語義本身就帶有下對上的位階關係，因此操控權並非只限於 「乞」的主語。據此，論文的最後一章推測短被動「乞」的形成有兩個重要條件：動詞作格化(被動化)、動作事件的發生是在非自願性(不幸說)。歷史上「乞+N」最早出現，但是因為名詞動詞的模糊性產生「乞+N」>「乞+V」如「乞降」。 而長被動「乞」的產生，透過其他被動式的觀察，其發展應和「NP1+被+V+於+NP2」這個結構有關，透過句法操作、句式趨向最終產生「NP1+乞+NP2+V」。 兩相對照，短被動是在「乞+V」中「乞」重新分析為一個次要動詞(副動詞)；而長被動是在句法操作生成。 關鍵字: 詞彙擴散 被動標記 與格轉換 作格化(被動化) / Abstract This paper is aimed at two perspectives, “synchronic time” and “diachronic time,” and explores issues relating to “喫” “吃,” and “乞” from dialect, cross-linguistic phenol, and historical corpus discussions, including historical phonology, dialectic grammar, and historical grammar. The results show that the two words “喫” and “吃” are replaced by the “齧” and “齕” parts, while the mixed mechanism of “喫” and “吃” is derived from the homophone of “乞 (beg)” and “契”(bond), thus leading to the synonyms “喫” and “吃” Additionally, targeting the word “喫” that means diet, historic-phonology-related speculations were made. According to the sound shift rules, the word “喫” with “見” system and “溪” constituent should be pronounced as a palatalized sound (tilde) in the modern Chinese language. However, under the influence of lexical diffusion, some consonants fall under the “照” system. Other examples such as “廈” and “閘” also follow this pattern. According to literatures, there have been cases of “喫” “吃” and “乞” used as passive markers, which have been alternatively used. According to the phonological information of the Min dialect, it shows that the semantic roots of “喫” “吃” and “乞” are not the same and that the alternative use is mainly to form a set of homophones from the historical sound shifts. In the Min dialect, there is a single checked tone “乞” which means “give, causative, beg, supplicate, and passive.” In the Minnan region, the passive usage is “乞與” or the dative verb to be given “與.” Hence, the hypothesis is the passive marker “beg” in the Min dialect may have different semantic roots: one is the dative verb that compounds with “與” and “乞與” which are headed toward the direction of give>causative>passive; the other is the word “乞” that shifts from demand to passive. In order to demonstrate this point, the English word “get” was observed in this paper. The dative shift, lexical decomposition, and Porto agent Porto patient were explored. The dialectic corpus shows that “乞” can appear in the position of the verb and dative marker, thus forming S+乞+DO+乞+IO and the double object construction 乞+IO+DO. Through the dative shift theory, the latter can be deduced from the former. Additionally, the “乞與+IO+DO” double object construction has also been throughout history. The existence of the two sentence patterns plays the role of “to distinguish,” just like “borrowing” and “lending” in the Chinese language. In the Min dialect, the “乞與+IO+DO” double object construction is not used. Therefore, it is speculated that “乞與” was first formed as a set of opposite (meaning) antonym. With the collocation of “與” and the grammaticalization of “乞與” compounded to form and tie with the causative verb and head toward passive marker development. In conjunction with the development of “乞與” it is speculated that the source of the sole use of “乞” is worth exploring. Basically, the passive marker “乞” used in the Min dialect must have a causal agent, forming long passive construction “NP1+乞+NP2+V.” However, few cases show that short passive construction “NP1+乞+V” without a causative agent is still acceptable. The verb “乞” itself possesses the semantic bottom-to-top relationship. Thus, the control is not restricted to the “乞” subject. Accordingly, the last chapter in this paper covers two speculated important conditions that contribute to the formation of “乞”: ergativization/passivization and occurrences of actions that are involuntary (sad to say). In history, “乞+N” first appeared, but due to the ambiguity of the nouns and verbs, “乞+N” > “乞+V” such as “beg to surrender or got tamed” resulted. On the other hand, the generation of the long passive “乞,” as observed through other passives, is associated with the “NP1+被+V+於+NP2” structure. Through syntactic operations and sentential convergence, “NP1+乞+NP2+V” eventually resulted. In contrast of the two, short passive is the reanalysis of “乞” in “乞+V” to derive at a secondary verb (coverb), while long passive is generated through syntactic operation. Keywords: Lexical diffusion, Passive markers, Dative shift, Ergativization (passivization)

Faroese is known to lie grammatically between Icelandic and the Mainland Scandinavian languages and dialects. One example of this is that, on the one hand, Faroese is like Icelandic in having a basically intact morphological four case system. On the other hand case-marking in Faroese is linked to clause function to a greater degree than in Icelandic – but to a lesser degree than in the Mainland Scandinavian standard languages. In Scandinavian Linguistics, it has long been an axiom that in the longer term the aforementioned four case system will be reduced in all varieties of the Scandinavian languages. The present thesis investigates if, and if so how, this expected development manifests itself in Senior High School graduation essays in Faroese from the period 1940–1999. A quantitative study forms the core of the thesis. The choice between the dative and other cases is related to eight syntactic variables whose effect on the choice of case is compared using methods from the variationist framework, among others. The results are partly surprising: the dative did not reduce in frequency from the 1940s to 1990s. There certainly is a tendency, however not a statistically significant one, that the dative is more often replaced by another case in contexts where the norm is to use the dative. On the other hand it also seems to become more common for the dative to be used hypercorrectly. Furthermore, the development is not linear, in that around the middle of the investigation period, the dative is used far more according to norms than otherwise. As expected, clause function is an important variable, but by the end of the period under investigation the placement of the nominal phrase within the clause becomes a surprisingly strong factor. It also becomes more important if the phrase takes the form of a first/second-person pronominal or not. The results are theoretically interpreted in the light of, firstly, Generative Grammar, and secondly Construction Grammar. The modification of certain terms is discussed, such as lexical case in Generative Grammar or usage-based model in Construction Grammar. The conclusion is that the linguistic descriptive models of these theories can only partly cover the tendencies to change that are observed. Other parts of the results are best explained using aspects of sociolinguistics. The conclusion is that case studies on a micro-level are valuable in order to evaluate and develop theories of linguistic variation and change at a macro-level.

本研究旨在探討雅美語雙及物結構是否也有與英文，及其他語言如日語、希臘語、國語，一樣有與格轉換的語言現象。雅美語有一特別的強調系統可將名詞組移到主詞的位置上。在探討雅美語的雙及物結構前，必須先探討幾個問題。首先，研究名詞組的格位標記是否會因動詞的性質（動詞的及物性、動詞的論元結構）不同而有所改變，其次，提出論證證明強調系統並不適用於形容雅美語特殊的移位系統，而語態系統較能更進一步的形容此一名詞移位現象。最後，提出雅美語並不是一個作格語言，而是一個valency-neutral的語態系統。解決這些問題後，發現雅美語中也有類似英文中的與格轉換的語言現象，此一發現也驗證了Harley的提案，擁有“有”動詞的語言就會有與格轉換的現象。 / The aim of the present study is to examine the existence of dative alternation in Yami, a language with a rich case marking system, that is similar to Japanese and Greek which are both reported to have dative alternation, as well as very unique ‘focus’ systems that can promote any argument into the subject position. Several issues have to be addressed: first, the case marking on the nominal is investigated in four most commonly observed ‘focus’ constructions from various aspects including degree of transitivity, thematic structure, and event classes,…etc; second, the term ‘focus’ is misleading and is identified as ‘voice’; third, arguments against Yami as an ergative language and supports for a valency-neutral voice system are provided.　Once these basic linguistic properties have been clarified, an examination of trivalent verbs shows positive evidence of dative alternation in Yami. Dative alternation is found with the two trivalent Yami verbs meaning ‘distribute out/give out’ and ‘mail’. This finding is in accordance with Harley’s proposal of the co-existence verbal HAVE and dative alternation, and also suggests that dative alternation is not a language-specific property.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-17T16:08:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 adrielibonjourlavioladasilva.pdf: 1760741 bytes, checksum: efcbaa3ab3d79707feca1c417ad959d5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-17T18:03:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 adrielibonjourlavioladasilva.pdf: 1760741 bytes, checksum: efcbaa3ab3d79707feca1c417ad959d5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-17T18:03:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 adrielibonjourlavioladasilva.pdf: 1760741 bytes, checksum: efcbaa3ab3d79707feca1c417ad959d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação está inserida no projeto Frames e Construções em Contraste (SALOMÃO, SAMPAIO & TORRENT, 2013), o qual é um dos empreendimentos da FrameNet Brasil (FN-Br). Nesse sentido, intenciona verificar, dado o funcionamento do Constructicon do Português Brasileiro (PB) – um repertório de construções disponível online – as possíveis alterações necessárias para aprimorá-lo de modo a possibilitar seu alinhamento a outros Constructicons em desenvolvimento. Dessa maneira, esta dissertação busca embasamento em duas abordagens construcionais: a Gramática Cogntitivista das Construções (GOLDBERG, 1995; 2006; 2013) e a Gramática das Construções de Berkeley (FILLMORE, 2012; 2013). Além disso, discute aspectos relacionados à Semântica de Frames e à proposta de estudos construcionais contrastivos de Boas (2010). No trabalho, as análises partiram da observação dos padrões do Inglês descritos no Constructicon de Berkeley, buscando equivalências em PB. Os achados comparativos levaram à classificação das 69 construções válidas do Constructicon de Berkeley em três grupos: (A) padrões equivalentes, quando tanto a forma quanto o significado são possíveis em PB; (B) parcialmente equivalentes, para as construções que, ainda que semanticamente sejam possíveis nas duas línguas, possuem alguma diferenciação na estrutura e (C) não-equivalentes, quando nenhuma aproximação pôde ser verificada em PB. Posteriormente, foi realizada a comparação entre a construção de Dativo com Inifinitivo (DCI) do PB – que já vem sendo amplamente estudada na FN-Br em trabalhos anteriores (TORRENT, 2009; LAGE, 2013) e sua contraparte do Inglês – a construção Infinitival Relative Modal (FILLMORE, 2008). Nessa análise, foram percebidas algumas especificidades na DCI que precisaram ser atestadas através da aplicação de um Teste de Similaridade Semântica a falantes nativos do PB. Por fim, esta dissertação advoga em favor da realização de análises contrastivas que possam ir além da mera comparação superficial entre a forma e o sentido de construções de línguas distintas, quando da implementação de Constructicons multilíngues. / This dissertation is part of the Frames and Constructions in Contrast project (SALOMÃO, SAMPAIO & TORRENT, 2013), which is developed at FrameNet Brasil and aims to add multilinguality features to the Brazilian Portuguese Constructicon. In this work, we build on two constructional approaches – Cognitive Construction Grammar (GOLDBERG, 1995; 2006; 2013) and Berkeley Construction Grammar (FILLMORE, 2012; 2013) – so as to analyze to what extent Boas' (2010) proposition of contrastive constructional analysis can be applied to multilingual constructicography. In the study, the analyses were based on the English patterns described in Berkeley Construction, seeking equivalence in Brazilian Portuguese. Comparative findings led to the classification of the 69 valid constructions of the Berkeley Constructicon in three groups: (A) equivalent patterns, when both the form and the meaning are possible in BP; (B) partially equivalent, when constructions, despite being semantically possible in the two languages, bear some difference in the structure and (C) non-equivalent, when no link can be found between English and BP constructions. Subsequently, the comparison was made between the Dative with infinitive construction in BP – which has already been largely studied by FrameNet Brasil (TORRENT, 2009; LAGE, 2013) and its equivalent in English – the Infinitival Relative Modal construction (FILLMORE, 2008). In this analysis, the application of a semantic similarity test to native speakers of BP showed some peculiarities in the Dative with Infinitive construction not attested for the English construction. Finally, this dissertation argues in favor of performing contrastive analyses that go beyond mere superficial comparison between the form and the meaning of different languages constructions, when implementing Multilingual Constructicons.

Text in Afrikaans / Tradisioneel is aanvaar dat die indirekte voorwerp nie in Afrikaanse stelsinne kan optree sander die voorkoms van 'n direkte voorwerp in dieselfde sin nie. Hierdie ondersoek het aan die lig gebring dat sekere voorwerpe wat voorheen as "direkte voorwerpe" geklassifiseer is, eerder die eienskappe van indirekte Hulle word dus nou geklassifiseer as en die parameters van die indirekte ooreenkomstig uitgebrei. Aangesien daar geen formele merkers vir die uitkenning en onderskeiding van direkte en indirecte voorwerpe bestaan nie, is parameters vir die doel vasgestel. Skoon indireckte voorwerpe (op enkele uisonderings na) verskyn altyd direk na die SPIL-posisie in 'n stelsin toon 'n groot affiniteit vir voorsetsels (versa vir, aan), en kan in die koers van adjunk afgegradeer word, deur me 'n voorsetsel te verbind, en kan sodoende ook na' 'n adjunk verskyn. Direkte voorwerpe kan daarenteen nie met voorset-: sels verbind nie en kan buitendien na enige adjunk verskyn. / Language Education, Arts and Culture / M.A. (Afrikaans)

Text in Afrikaans / Tradisioneel is aanvaar dat die indirekte voorwerp nie in Afrikaanse stelsinne kan optree sander die voorkoms van 'n direkte voorwerp in dieselfde sin nie. Hierdie ondersoek het aan die lig gebring dat sekere voorwerpe wat voorheen as "direkte voorwerpe" geklassifiseer is, eerder die eienskappe van indirekte Hulle word dus nou geklassifiseer as en die parameters van die indirekte ooreenkomstig uitgebrei. Aangesien daar geen formele merkers vir die uitkenning en onderskeiding van direkte en indirecte voorwerpe bestaan nie, is parameters vir die doel vasgestel. Skoon indireckte voorwerpe (op enkele uisonderings na) verskyn altyd direk na die SPIL-posisie in 'n stelsin toon 'n groot affiniteit vir voorsetsels (versa vir, aan), en kan in die koers van adjunk afgegradeer word, deur me 'n voorsetsel te verbind, en kan sodoende ook na' 'n adjunk verskyn. Direkte voorwerpe kan daarenteen nie met voorset-: sels verbind nie en kan buitendien na enige adjunk verskyn. / Language Education, Arts and Culture / M.A. (Afrikaans)

Orientador: Linda Gentry El-Dash / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T06:03:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sousa_DenilsonAmade_M.pdf: 683113 bytes, checksum: b56e92e2cf7ccf5d2606b65b00c15c99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Este estudo realizou uma descrição de um fenômeno lingüístico chamado alternância das formas dativas em inglês (dative alternation) e verificou, através de um teste de julgamento de gramaticalidade, se professores e alunos brasileiros de inglês têm conhecimento implícito ou explícito acerca deste fenômeno. Comparando a intuição de nativos americanos com a intuição de alunos e professores brasileiros, chegou-se à conclusão de que nem os professores nem os alunos possuem esse conhecimento. A partir desses resultados foram realizadas intervenções em sala de aula com o intuito de fazer com que aprendizes de inglês de nível intermediário adquirissem a alternância das formas dativas. Essas intervenções foram baseadas em processamento de insumo e instrução para processamento (como formulados por VanPatten, 1993,1996) e tiveram um design de pré-teste/pós-teste. As análises estatísticas desse segundo experimento ¿ intervenção ¿ mostraram, com uma diferença significativa ao nível de 5%, que o grupo que sofreu o tratamento baseado em instrução para processamento de insumo aprendeu a alternância das formas dativas apenas no nível imediato, já que essa aprendizagem se perdeu depois de passado um mês. As análises estatísticas referentes ao grupo que sofreu um tratamento baseado numa abordagem tradicional indicaram que não houve aprendizagem imediata estatisticamente relevante. Essas análises também apontaram, com uma diferença significativa ao nível de 10%, para a perda do conhecimento, estatisticamente não significativo, adquirido na intervenção. O conhecimento do grupo de controle ¿ aquele que não sofreu nenhum tipo de tratamento ¿ se manteve o mesmo durante o período da pesquisa. Evidenciou-se, assim, que, pelo menos para esse tipo de estrutura, a Instrução para Processamento de Insumo surtiu um efeito apenas imediato, que não durou muito tempo. Essa descoberta é interessante, pois se pode imaginar o motivo pelo qual isso tenha ocorrido e conseqüentemente se especular acerca daquilo que pode ser feito para se evitar a perda do conhecimento adquirido na intervenção / Abstract: This study was designed to describe a linguistic phenomenon in English known as dative alternation. A grammaticality judgment task was used to ascertain whether Brazilian teachers and learners of English have any knowledge of that phenomenon, either implicit or explicit. When the intuition of native Americans was compared with that of Brazilian teachers and learners, it was attested that neither the teachers nor the students possess that kind of knowledge. Based on these results, two kinds of classroom intervention were carried out in an attempt to investigate the acquisition of the possession constraint underlying dative alternation by intermediate level English students. These interventions, based on input processing and processing instruction (as formulated by VanPatten, 1993, 1996), involved a pre-test/post-test design. The statistical analysis of this experiment showed, with a level of significance of 5%, that the group submitted to processing instruction learned the restriction underlying dative alternation, but only in the short term, since this learning was lost after a month. The statistical analysis of the group submitted to a treatment involving a traditional approach did not reveal any statistically significant kind of short term learning. Although the analysis suggested, with a level of significance of 10%, that any knowledge acquired during intervention was lost. The knowledge of dative alternation of the control group ¿ a group which did not undergo any kind of treatment ¿ remained unaltered. Thus, it was demonstrated that, at least for this kind of structure, processing instruction had only a short term effect, which did not last as long as a month. These findings are interesting because one may wonder why this happened and, consequently, speculate about what can be done in order to avoid the loss of the knowledge acquired through the processing instruction intervention / Mestrado / Mestre em Linguística Aplicada