This dissertation explores how three social movements deployed an anti-neoliberal master frame during the course of a multi-movement protest wave. Using ethnographic content analysis. I examine the Global Justice (GJM), Antiwar (AWM), and Immigrant Rights movements (IRM) of the 2000s to offer a theoretical synthesis of the framing perspective in social movements and Gramscian hegemony, which I call the counter-hegemonic framing approach. This approach links the contested discursive practices of social movements to historically specific political-economic contexts to offer a macro framework to make sense of this meso-level activity that illuminates the development of a counter-hegemonic master frame. I apply this approach in case studies of each movement and a culminating incorporated comparison. In the GJM chapter, I found that the GJM frames neoliberal institutions such as the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund as influenced by corporate power. Second, the GJM amplifies the symptoms of neoliberal globalization such as global inequality and environmental degradation. Third, there is a master frame specific to neoliberalism which defines neoliberal globalization as a corporate project that seeks to reduce environmental, human rights, and labor regulations by eroding sovereignty in order to open markets and increase profits. For the AWM, I found that the movement integrated the context of both rollback and rollout neoliberalism into their framing to build opposition to the Afghan and Iraq War. In addition, following the corporate power frame of the GJM, the AWM problematizes the involvement of corporations in foreign policy discussions. For the IRM, I found that one of the central goals of their framing was to deflect blame away from undocumented immigrants. There are two ways the IRM accomplished this. First, the IRM emphasized the economic contributions of immigrants. Second, the IRM emphasized the impact of neoliberal globalization as a cause of increased immigration and social problems for which migrants were blamed. Finally, in an incorporated comparison of these case studies I found a distinct anti-neoliberal “repertoire of interpretation,” which forms the basis of an anti-neoliberal master frame that emphasizes US hegemony, corporate power, economic inequality, and neoliberal rollout.

The aim of this thesis is to provide a theoretical critique of the Knowledge Economy discourse, the dominant discourse in which development is equated with the economic exploitation of knowledge. The nature of the critique is political in the sense that the problem with 'building a knowledge economy' as a model for development is that the accounts (such as they are) of how to go about doing so seem fatally undermined by their neglect of questions of power and politics - questions which this thesis will argue are essential to understanding the relationship between knowledge and development. The emergence of the discourse itself and the way in which its ideas are implemented can also be seen in political terms, in that the depoliticisation of development that it entails is itself a political position. The thesis is structured as an introduction followed by three main parts and a conclusion. In the Introduction and Part 1, I explain the nature of the research and the methods used, and provide a genealogy of the Knowledge Economy (KE) discourse, which includes the empirical element of this research, namely a series of interviews with key actors in the emergence of the discourse. In so doing, I historicise the discourse within the specific institutional history and politics of the major organisations (World Bank and the OECD) which have done the most of any to promote it. From this I identify the key theoretical ideas (Human Capital Theory, Innovation Systems, Hayekian Neoliberalism, Information Economics and Endogenous Growth Theory) which underpin the discourse and which are then the subject of critical analysis in Part 2. I make the case that the Knowledge Economy should not be understood as a robust analytical framework, empirical methodology or policy template, but instead as the reconceptualisation of 'questions of knowledge' in terms of markets. Specifically, the discourse depends upon a number of qualitatively different ways in which knowledge can be represented in, and transformed by, the operations of markets. These representations derive from three main schools off economic thought. I describe how each offers a critique of the others and yet how the Knowledge Economy is obtained as a synthesis of the three. In Part 3, I firstly illustrate a case of the Knowledge Economy discourse in action, namely Higher Education reform in India. I explain how the approaches that were studied in Part 1 and which were developed at the World Bank and the OECD in the late 1990s and early 2000s were applied in practice in India in the mid 2000s. I argue that these applications illustrate the claims of Part 2 regarding knowledge and markets. I then describe the politicised nature of Indian Higher Education and argue that no satisfactory account can be given without an engagement with these political economy factors. Following on from this, I then consider how adopting a KE approach of conceptualising knowledge in terms of markets might be subject to various forms of political analysis and develop a political economy critique that synthesises three theoretical approaches: (a) the politics of markets; (b) commodification; and (c) governmentality. From this I conclude that the KE approach is fundamentally flawed as an account of development.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-10-06Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:07:50Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 dantas_a_dr_arafcl.pdf: 2404349 bytes, checksum: 96e8ec396018f20dd5a8658db7ef501b (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Busca-se, em termos gerais, a discussão de como a violência perpassa e intervém na programação de um meio de comunicação em específico: a televisão. Para tal proposta, o caminho seguido passa, necessariamente, pela delimitação conceitual- a mais ampla possível - do termo violência. Tal amplitude do conceito obriga a sua relação com o fenômeno da Globalização bem como com as questões ideológicas presentes em tal fenômeno. Visto que a idéia geral da Tese mostra a necessidade da relação entre violência e televisão, esta última merece especial destaque, seja enquanto um elemento fundamental conformador da mídia, seja enquanto sua construção e constituição como um meio de comunicação essencial no Brasil, principalmente a partir dos anos 1970, seja enquanto um indispensável instrumento ideológico. Exatamente por esse último fator, deve-se, em primeiro lugar, diferenciar os conceitos entre violência e criminalidade para, posteriormente, se entender que tal equação se constitui em um consenso forjado, e que, por isso, entre outras coisas, sua compreensão e aceitação favorecem a divulgação da chamada dramatização da violência, mediante a qual a televisão estimula os medos da sociedade, propagandeando uma violência, por vezes distorcida, em grau exacerbado. Além disso, para reforçar ainda mais a relação contida entre violência e televisão, há, nesta Tese, a investigação do conteúdo da programação televisiva brasileira em um período específico, o que demonstra resultados, por vezes, surpreendentes e alarmantes. Condição que se agrava a partir do instante em que se analisa, mediante um outro conjunto de dados, o tempo que, por exemplo, as crianças, em uma situação específica, disponibilizam seu tempo livre em frente à televisão. / In general terms, one searches for the discussion of how violence passes by and intervenes in the programming of a specific means of communication television. For such proposal, the followed path necessarily goes through the conceptual delimitation - as wide as possible - of the term violence. Ssuch broad concept obliges its relationship with the globalization phenomenon as well as the ideological issues present in such phenomenon. Since the general idea of the thesis points out the necessity of the relationship between violence and television, this last one deserves special prominence, as a conformist fundamental element of the media, as its construction and constitution of an essencial means of communication in Brazil, specially from the1970þs onwards, as an indispensable ideological tool. Exactly due to this last factor, the concepts between violence and criminality should be diferenciated in the first place, so that, subsequently, one can understand that such equation constitutes a forged consensus, and, because of that, among other things, its comprehension and acceptance favor the propagation of what is called, the dramatization of violence, through which television stimulates societyþs fears, spreading violence, which is many times exaggeratedly distorted. Furthermore, to reinforce even more the relationship between violence and television, this thesis contains the investigation of the brazilian television programming content in a specific period, what shows surprising and alarming results many times. Such condition becomes worse from the moment one analyzes through another set of data, e.g. the time children spend in front of the television in their spare time, in a specific situation.

Orientador: Cristina Amélia Luzio / Banca: Francisco Hashimoto / Banca: Catarina Satiko Tanaka / Resumo: A compreensão do processo de migração do trabalhador do setor hidrelétrico requer a reflexão acerca do cenário social, econômico e político que o constitui, ou seja, articulá-lo com as transformações advindas da globalização neoliberal, da desregulação do Estado-nação e dos processos de precarização das condições e relações de trabalho, que atingem de forma proeminente o mundo de trabalho. Na atualidade, essa categoria profissional vivenciou o fenômeno da privatização e da extensão do setor energético, bem como as suas consequências em termos da transformação do mercado de trabalho, na qual se intensificou a migração. Nessa perspectiva, o objetivo deste estudo é contextualizar o mundo do trabalho, na atualidade, e compreender os meios encontrados por esses trabalhadores para se reorganizarem e desbravarem novos territórios, como reagem e se adaptam ao novo ambiente de trabalho e às suas famílias. Nesse percurso, buscamos traçar um eixo teórico que viabilizasse o diálogo da Psicologia com a Sociologia e a Geografia, a fim de compreender a complexidade do nosso objeto de estudo, a partir das contribuições de Birman (2001, 2006), Bosi (1987, 2000), Dejours (1986, 1996, 1997, 2001), Haesbaert (2005), Minayo-Gomez e Barros (2002), Pagès (1987), Pochmann (1999, 2001), Santos (2000, 2005), Santos (2002), Sennett (2008), Singer (2001), Vainer (2005), Weil (1996, 2001). Também realizamos entrevistas semi-estruturadas com trabalhadores do setor de produção de energia hidrelétrica, que hoje trabalham nos Estados de Santa Catarina e de Goiás. A análise, inspirada no método dialético, apontou-nos que as exigências explícitas ou não do seu trabalho constituem-se... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The understanding of the worker's migrating process in hydroelectricity' sector requires reflection on the social, economic and political scene that he is part of, in other words, to articulate him with the changes arising from neoliberal globalization, the Nation-State's deregulation and the precarious conditions processes and their working relationships that affect prominently the world of work. Nowadays, this profession has experienced the privatization's phenomenon and the extent of the energy sector and its consequences in terms of transforming the labor market, which intensified the migration. Thus, the present study aims to contextualize the work world today and to understand the means found by these workers to reorganize and explore new territories, how they react and adapt to the new working environment and also to their families. In this way we sought to outline a theoretical basis that would enable the dialogue of psychology with sociology and geography in order to understand the complexity of our study's object, based on the contributions of Birman (2001, 2006), Bosi (1987, 2000); Dejours (1986, 1996, 1997, 2001); Haesbaert (2005); Minayo-Gomez, Barros (2002); Pagés (1987); Pochmann (1999, 2001), Santos (2000, 2005), Santos (2002), Sennett (2008), Singer (2001); Vainer (2005), Weil (1996, 2001). We also did semi-structured interviews with workers in the sector of hydroelectric power's production that currently work in the state of Santa Catarina and Goiás. The analysis, inspired by the dialectical method, showed us that the work's requirements that were explicit or not consist in a complex process that is inserted in a larger context which never stops causing singular and differentiated... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

This thesis explores the global-local interplay among three key players, which are Hollywood, the Chinese government, and Chinese film industry, by analyzing representations of China and Chinese culture in three kinds of modes of film cooperation between Hollywood and China in the era of globalization. Drawing on both the analysis of three factors respectively and the elaboration of tripartite push-and-pull, a spectrum of film collaboration has been built to find out how the leveraging powers work, indicating that the images of China in selected films manifest a shared cultural identity that is hybridized and market-friendly. By further discussing China’s position in the global competition, it reveals China’s ambition to brand itself as a global media power instead of a media capital.

Globalisation has become a common topic of discussion and research. This treatise focuses on its role as part of the business of Architectural practice. It investigates the reasons why selected South African Architectural practices decided to globalise, how this decision was reached, implemented and how successful the decisions were. Based on the findings of a literature study it uses the case study methodology to confirm the findings that the strategic position of South African Architectural practices is one where practical and historical reasons exist for the profession to embark on a globalisation strategy. The studies confirm that a globalisation strategy presents a suitable, feasible and acceptable strategy for South African Architectural practices. However, a disconcerting element of the findings was the fact that there are strong indications that South African Architectural practices do not realise the potential benefits inherent in regular strategic planning. Thus it recommends that such a strategy should be based on specialist knowledge or experience, that opening an office in the area to which firms wish to expand will greatly enhance the chances of success, that formal strategic planning processes should be used to ensure that such a strategy is an appropriate one and to identify the countries to which the firm plans to expand its services. Furthermore, it recommends that Government should recognise that firms expanding in this manner hold specific advantages for the national economy and introduce steps to support the profession so that it may build the capacity and skills required therefore. In addition it recommends that the relevant professional bodies should ensure that their members have the business and managerial skills required to ensure the achievement of these objectives.

The research component of the study was undertaken in two global industries locally. The pilot study was conducted in the airline industry. Due to the very nature of an Airline as a global operator in the service industry, the choice of the Airline Industry as research domain was logical. There exists an expectation that because of the global activities an Airline takes part in and global services that it offers, it should be exceptionally positioned to embrace globalisation and its accompanying shaping forces and trends.

No description available.

No description available.

This dissertation is a descriptive study of a policy network designed for U.S. government and global cooperation to promote Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS). It is aimed at exploring the historical and structural features of the ITS policy network, and evaluating its roles in the policy process. Until now, the network literature has barely examined the full arrays of networks, catching just part of their full pictures. First, this study draws attention to transnational networks and their organic or systematic relationships with lower levels of networks. Second, it examines the individual properties and synergy of three core elements of the ITS policy network: public-private partnerships, professional networks, and intergovernmental networks. Third, it takes a close look at the pattern of stability change and power relations of the policy network from within the net. Finally, this study discusses what difference networks make, compared to hierarchies and markets. This dissertation employed multiple sources of evidence: unstandardized elite interviews, government documents, and archival records. Through a networking strategy to find the best experts, face-to-face, telephone, and e-mail interviews were conducted with twenty-two public officials and ITS professionals. It was found that the U.S. ITS policy network was a well-designed strategic governance structure at the planning level, but an experimental learning-focused one at the implementation level. It was initially designed by a new, timely, cross-sectional coalition, which brought together field leaders from both the public and the private sectors under the slogan of global competitiveness. Yet, day-to-day managers within the net often experience much more complex power relationships and internal dynamics as well as legal obstacles; also, they confront external uncertainty in political support and market. For better results, policy networks should be designed in flexible ways that will handle their disadvantages such as ambiguous roles, exclusiveness, and increased staff time. In this respect, it is inevitable for the networks to include some components of a wide range of conventional structures, ranging from highly bureaucratic to highly entrepreneurial, on the one hand, and ranging between issue networks (grounded in American pluralism) and policy communities (based on European corporatism), on the other hand. / Ph. D.