<p><italic>Virgin Capital</italic> explores the impact of the Economic Development Commission (EDC) program in the US Virgin Islands and asks, "How do contemporary circulations of capital and people alternately build upon and complicate long-present hierarchies?" This dissertation approaches the EDC, a tax holiday program that has attracted a number of primarily American bankers to the island of St. Croix, as a space in which struggles over quasi-offshore capital produces tensions rooted in race, class, color, gender, and generation. These clashes surrounding `appropriate' financial and social investment have both integrated St. Croix into the global financial services market and produced a great deal of tension between EDC community and residents of St. Croix. Moreover, the presence of this program has generated new categories of personhood that in turn have sparked new debates about what it means to `belong' in a territory administered by the United States. These new categories of personhood are particularly gendered and alternately destabilize and shore up long-standing hierarchies of generation, gender, and place. </p> <p>The ethnographic basis of <italic>Virgin Capital</italic> is 16 months of fieldwork I conducted on St. Croix, USVI. Throughout the dissertation, I bring academic writing together with the perspectives of Crucians and `EDC people.' These interviews, both formal and informal, are central to this project as they make clear the ambivalent positioning of the EDC program and its participants in the current moment of increasingly global circulations.</p> / Dissertation

<p>This dissertation offers a comprehensive model of contemporary nation-state sovereignty. To do so, it examines the mutually constitutive relationship between sovereignty and present-day globalization as well as the role of law and capital in creating, maintaining, and driving that relationship.</p><p>The scholarly treatment of nation-state sovereignty has been inadequate for several reasons. Older theories of sovereignty could not have foreseen the unprecedented technological advances that underlie our current system and therefore do not sufficiently explain it. More recent theories of sovereignty, in turn, tend to be too narrowly focused, such that a given model of sovereignty often only applies to that particular condition. Furthermore, the academic literatures on sovereignty and nationalism, while occasionally referencing each other, have failed to recognize that the two phenomena are parts of the same whole and therefore must be more fully integrated. </p><p>This dissertation argues that a comprehensive model of contemporary nation-state sovereignty must include two symbiotic elements. The first, referred to here as <italic>emotional sovereignty</italic>, involves subjective relationships with the state. As such, the substance of this element is unique for each group. The second element is a <italic>functional/instrumental</italic> element. It addresses ways that the sovereignty serves as an interface-mechanism with other sovereignties, like compatible nozzles attaching and linking variously-sized hoses. It likewise explains how sovereignty functions as a value-maximization mechanism. In short, a sovereignty must control its relationships with others in order to accumulate as much capital as possible in order to protect and perpetuate aspects of the domestic culture that are deemed most valuable. This <italic>functional/instrumental</italic> element, while used in distinct ways by different groups, is largely identical in form among all states.</p><p>From these multiple angles it becomes evident that nation-state sovereignty is not one single power but instead a set of powers, such that each power entails a strategic option that can be negotiated, delegated, mortgaged or surrendered. Nation-state sovereignty is therefore rendered meaningful only in connection with other nation-state sovereignties; in the contemporary situation, this means globalization. Sovereignty is, after all, an <italic>ad hoc</italic> solution to a particular set of historically and contextually emerging dilemmas; as the dilemmas have continued to change, so have the solutions. And so although people, goods, and ideas have always flowed across borders, whether geographic or cultural, the speed, nature, and extent of all such movement in the contemporary age is unprecedented. Today, all sovereignties - across the globe - are connected in diverse and manifold ways. This dissertation therefore provides a model of globalization that goes beyond the simple movement of people, goods, capital, and ideas to explain the conceptual transformations that have made today's globalization possible; the processes that drive it; and the role of the nation-state, and in particular nation-state sovereignty, as a necessary component of globalization itself. </p><p>The dissertation integrates these theories of sovereignty and globalization to show how the connections created by systems of nation-state law serve as the framework for many of the core processes of globalization, while flows of capital within and enabled by that framework fuel those processes. It shows that there are at least three important aspects of this relationship between sovereignty, globalization, law and capital: First, because of the connections of law, capital, and labor, <underline>every</underline> state is implicated in the production of <underline>every good</underline>, a phenomenon here referred to as <italic>co-production</italic>. Together with the <italic>co-consumption</italic> of those goods, <italic>co-production</italic> is the driving force behind globalization; as such, one can likewise say that nation-states <italic>co-produce</italic> globalization itself through the legal regulation of the movement of capital and individuals. Second, nation-states remain the central structural machinery of globalization. Third, globalization is not uniform. To be sure, the effects of globalization have transformed every culture on the planet and capitalism has been the vehicle for doing so. But just as not all cultures are the same, all capitalisms are not the same either. No model of sovereignty and globalization is therefore complete without a mechanism for accounting for differences in culture and capitalism.</p><p>The research that is the foundation for this dissertation was undertaken primarily in the South Pacific region, focusing on Cook Islanders in the Cook Islands, New Zealand, and Australia. Methods included participant observation, legal and documentary research, as well as informal and semi-structured interviews.</p> / Dissertation

When globalization as accelerated, consumers worldwide can make their own decisions from a large number of brands, either foreign or domestic. This circumstance evokes the question of whether consumers from different nations would have different perceptions of brand experience. The answer can help marketers when determining if they should apply same brand strategies across nations. Thus, as brands in a multinational competitive market, marketers should first position their brands in those markets and clarify the cultural characteristics that would cause impacts to the brand. This study examines the discrepancies caused by cultural differences on consumers¡¦ brand experience, which contains sensory, affective, behavioral, and intellectual factors. Using responses from 180 Taiwan and 179 French consumers, this study found consumers within cultures low on power distance, collectivistic, and low uncertainty avoidance have more intensive relationship with brand experience. This research provides global brand management an insight to optimize brand positioning and improving brand experience across cultures.

Taiwan has a great frequent interaction with China. Because of individual political policy and without judicial cooperation, many problems such as transnational crimes are aroused. In order to prevent the cross boarder crime and effectively proceed criminal suit in cross- strait, the third Jiang-Chang conference officially signed the contract ¡§Cross- strait cooperation for eliminating crime and agreement of judicial cooperation¡¨in Nanjing on 4/26 in 2009. The agreement made effect on 6/25 in the same year and turned a new leaf for the across- strait cooperation to reduce the crime. According to the agreement, the Cross-strait agrees to support in civil affairs and criminal domain, taking the measure to strike the crime in tune with the emphasis on kidnapping, firearms, drugs, population business and significant cross-strait criminal organization. Deception crime is part of the economic crimes and cross-strait deception crime has run wild in recent years. Hence the topic for the research is cross- strait deception crime. The research is aimed at signing the cross-strait agreement afterward and chooses three single cases on cross-strait cooperation to strike organization of telecommunication deception. On the other hand, supported by the questionnaire from similar cases that Taiwan police investigated, the research can point out the dilemma in eliminating guilt that both sides are faced with. At last, cross-strait police can propose feasible mode of investigating cooperation for striking cross-strait guilt by trying to erect the communication, exchange the information, investigate the crime evidence, repatriate the crime, and wipe out the crime together and the data can be provided for coherent units and follow up research. For the cross-strait cooperation for eliminating crime had made effect, the cross-strait deception organization had escaped from cross- strait to Southeast Asia. In the future, it is possible that the organization will expand to other countries and deceive people in cross-strait, and such situation makes police from cross- strait should inevitably be faced with the challenge of cross- strait and else in 21 century. In other words, except for highly intensive cross- strait cooperation, we must need to cooperate with the third country. Under the globalized structure, the research exerts the viewpoints and characteristics of Global Government and puts emphasis on ¡§Low politic, high function¡¨ cooperation to establish and integrate a cross- strait cooperation platform. The research proposes the strategy of cross- strait cooperation for reducing the crime and then hopes to positively come up with the solution for cross- strait deception crime to defend the safety of people from cross- strait.

This dissertation includes two different empirical models about the economic growth and globalization in developed and developing countries from 1970 to 2008. First, we apply the quantile cointegration model provided by Xiao (2009) to examine the non-linear relationship between economic growth and globalization. Our empirical findings provide not only strong evidence that the cointegrating coefficients follow the time-varying process, but also the viewpoint of a long-run approach that overall globalization and their three dimensions act as engines of economic growth. Second, we adopt an advanced panel cointegration method which incorporates multiple structural breaks to examine the growth-globalization relationship. Differing from the weak outcomes of the traditional panel ointegration test without breaks, our findings provide strong evidence that overall globalization and its social dimension are cointegrated with RGDP both in developed and developing samples, and most of the structural break points are discovered in several main events. In addition, in evaluating whether or not the structural breaks affect the RGDP through globalization, we discover that the globalization have a directly positive impact on RGDP but indirectly exhibit negative (positive) impacts on real output via the channel of globalization in developed (developing) samples. Also, Different countries/groups reflect the different outcomes from the common shock of break event under the process of globalization. For the entire performance, the overall globalization brings the most positive effect on the real output in developed samples, and the social globalization is the main factor of promoting the economic development in developing samples.

The trend of globalization makes the political, economic, educational, culture and creative develop very fast. It also because of the vitality of the network information pushes the global continuously. So society produces an idea of " think globally, act locally ". Base on this research background, Bill McKibben (2005) brings up an idea of Deep Economy. It means Continues forever the development in local place. The reference shows the relations among country, market and civil society in globalization. The cultural and creative industries development stimulates city competitiveness. Professor Kiyoshi Miyazakithinks that the integrated community construction must include people, cultural, place, production and view. These conditions makes local develop appreciation. How is the real aspects for Deep Economy? In this study, it uses the Delphi expert questionnaire method (Delphi) to investigate this problem. It is invited industry, government and school tripartite expertsto conduct interviews and questionnaires. These factorsare discussed in the two-stage indicators convergence results by score of experts. After aggregating data, it cansanalysis to construct the five principal components by exploratory factor analysis.These data shows that Deep Economy should have five faces which are "Local Empowerment", "Identity Participation","Knowledge Learning","Cultural Connotation" and ¡§Creative Economy". This study has well proposals for the future development for Deep Economy. Keywords¡G Deep Economy¡BGlobalization¡BCulture and Creative¡BDelphi¡BExploratory Factor Analysis

In 2001, after more than sixty years of independence, India came to be coined into the acronym, BRIC, recognizing India for her emerging economic development status. Liberalization of India¡¦s economy since 1991 from stringent state control has resulted in the opening up its markets to world participation in the form of lowered trade barriers, and invitation of foreign direct investments. Such changes in the economy have stirred up both external and internal imaginations of a globalized India no longer focused exclusively on her films, television, and literatures, but as an intricately woven entity of conglomerate spheres involving economics, demographics, histories, political science, and so on. This is to inspect the composites of each arena through historical surveys and position each arena¡¦s globality with their respective locality to suggest what they produced for the world, in addition to how globalization produced them. In doing so, the popular culture of the Indian cinema(s) and the Indian television are analyzed as dialogues between Indian nation state and the global rest, striving to differ from the unidirectional discourse of cultural imperialism/hegemony by the general West in the process of globalization. Extensive examples are drawn to map the contours of a globalized India, as well as other social issues are also addressed by introducing Arundhati Roy¡Ðwho has written extensively on various subjects linked to globalization¡Ðfor a comprehensive picture of the issues the nation is currently embroiled in in its encounter with globalization. Drawing on Arundhati Roy¡¦s criticism of corporate globalization, the suggestion of a morally and socially responsible globalization is evoked for an alternative global imagination to belonging.

Globalizing processes often place the social cohesion of organizations at risk when multinational people experience and exhibit tensions from their diverse cultural and language norms. This study uses discourse analysis and dialectical theory to understand the intersection of organizational tensions and multinationalism as they appear at a bilingual Swiss higher education institution. I define multinationalism as the intersection of communities who self identify with a national heritage and perpetuate that identity through daily communication and interaction. This case study is approached from a social constructionist perspective. I use grounded theory and dialectical analysis to analyze the fifty-nine interviews in order to identify the tensions that intersect with multinationalism and how they are managed. The tensions identified include: choosing a language where two are privileged, providing an intercultural environment as described by the mission statement, and managing pedagogy/co-teaching practices. Choosing a language is often described in a dual dimension between choosing French/choosing English where language groups are sometimes seen as oppositional and vying for privileged status even though the organization privileges both languages. Providing an intercultural environment is described as a global endeavor and yet sometimes becomes dialectical when balancing how the organizational environment is actually managed/not managed based on national and organizational cultural perspectives. Practicing pedagogy/co-teaching activities are often framed as oppositional and dialectical when trying to reconcile French pedagogy/Anglo-Saxon pedagogy and co-teaching practices, especially in regard to American influence. Multinationalism emerges when participants use group identity descriptors and intersects in a variety of ways depending on the intensity of the tensions. Managing tensions result in ambiguity because of undefined language fluency and competency. While ambiguity allows for social cohesion and time for interpreting messages, it sometimes is used strategically to deny messages and retain privileged positions. Disorienting interactions for some employees result in paradoxical situations, and in some extreme cases, participants reported schizophrenic behavior when paranoid statements are made which reflect their paralysis, uncertainty and loss of power. This study advances dialectical theory by redefining totality as including regional, national, and global contexts that also influence organizational agency and discourse. In addition this study adds to the understanding of knots of contradictions by illustrating how tensions evolve in their own right and also spin off simultaneous and interconnected tensions. Finally, results from this study suggest that using ambiguity could be seen as another management option as well as a result when dealing with dialectical and paradoxical tensions.

The end of the Cold War represented a constructional transformation in international politics - from bipolar to multipolar . Nevertheless the end of the hostility did not mean the peace and prosperity , on the contrary , there are many latent crises gradually emerging, like security¡Bpolitics¡Becology and cultural. Therefore, how to manipulate the power to resolve the global problem is a very realistic and urgent issue . Due to the new situations of the above, western politicians and scholars have given some new meanings to" governance" with their each values and needs since the 1990's, henceforth, the concept " governance" has successively appeared in the political science¡Bdevelop economics¡Binternational relations and international political economy. Suddenly governance has become the buzzword and popular research topic; and further , the ¡§global governance theory¡¨ has gradually shaped , but also presented the different and blurred definitions . It is similar to abuse the term " globalization" and do not understand its concepts and meanings further. Therefore, the motive of this thesis is to outline and generalize global governance theory and study related subjects further . For this reason , I hope to reach some purposes as follows: First, I will outline the structure and scope of the global governance theory by generalize the history progress of global problem research . Second, I will discuss the relationship between the state and civil society in global governance process , and argue the possible roles of sovereignty states in the future, and the feasibility of " global civil society". Third, I want to find out the conflict and each needs about global governance between advanced states and developing states, and seek the way to improve the inequality for developing states. Finally, I try to use the result of this research to judge the global governance theory whether regard as a new theory.

The Asian Crash of 1997 gave final closure to the era of Cold War geoeconomics. For decades American liberal capitalism had maintained an oddly symbiotic relationship with East Asia¡¦s far more centrist economies. The end of the Cold War, however, opened the door for full-thrust globalization on Washington¡¦s terms. At first, foreign investment and money market speculation stoked what looked like a new super-miracle on the Pacific Rim. Few took serious notice of how the lending binge of the mid-1990s recklessly expanded foreign debt relative to reserves. When the bubble broke in 1997, massive capital exodus sent the region into a ruinous plunge. The IMF took its time in responding, and finally applied a dubious rescue formula that helped to turn the Crash into a protracted Crisis. Taking the Crisis as a window on the politics of globalization, this study builds on the development theory of Amartya Sen. It follows from Sen¡¦s axiom of ¡§development as freedom¡¨ that just and sustainable development is best achieved where economic and political priorities are balanced in what I term the ¡§concurrence¡¨ approach to development. From this vantage the post-Crisis condition of the Rim was hardly more conducive to political development than was the pre-Crisis situation, for poverty can be as much a developmental roadblock as authoritarianism is. Neoliberal globalism could no longer hide behind the democratic veneer of ¡§third wave¡¨ or ¡§end of history¡¨ determinism. By the mid-1990s the specter of cultural anarchy already haunted much of the developing world outside the Rim, and the Crash threatened to expunge that crucial exception. Nor was this just a Third World dilemma. The socioeconomic efficacy of the whole capitalist system was on trial. In Sen¡¦s view, the Asian Crisis spotlighted the high cost of undemocratic governance. Asian exceptionalists held that Western liberal democracy was not needed in this high-growth sphere, and indeed would be a hindrance. Sen argues, however, that the cultivation of freedom, as both an end and means, is not just a Western imperative. Indeed, his expansive view of social well-being is rooted in Asian values. In lieu of the statist economism that was falsely identified as Asian values during the ¡§miracle¡¨ years, Sen proposes an ¡§Eastern strategy¡¨ that draws on the more humane dimensions of Asian development. He credits state interventions such as public education and land reform as major contributions not only to the ¡§Asian miracle¡¨ but to all sustainable development. Much more is involved in the Senian model than the slightly modified economism that has appropriated the ¡§Third Way¡¨ label. This study draws positive and negative cases in point from the development records of the Philippines, Indonesia and South Korea. While all three countries were hard hit by the Crash and the subsequent Crisis, each reacted in its own way. What they had in common, however, was the undertow effect of neoliberal globalization, whereby foreign capital and policy constraints eroded their effective autonomy. Unfortunately, Sen¡¦s attention to the glaring inequalities of global capitalism is not matched by much attention to the transnational corporations (TNCs) that dominate the global economy. Likewise he has tended to neglect crucial postmaterial issues such as cultural and environmental sustainability. Useful as his informational strategies are for averting social catastrophies such as famine, he fails to adequately contest the political, cultural, and environmental inroads of globalization. For that it is necessary to move beyond the pallid globalism of Sen¡¦s own politics. The paradoxical task of this study, therefore, is to free the Senian model from Sen himself.