<p>Abstract</p><p>The topic of this thesis is electoral systems and electoral reform in Zambia. In Africa, democratization is on its way in many countries. However, the democratic upswing in the early 1990s was in most countries followed by a standstill. In recent years the tendency has been a renewal of democratization which makes it possible to reach new heights. As a part of this recent democratic progress questions regarding constitutional reform and electoral reform have been raised. It is within that context that this thesis has its setting. In search for the incentives behind electoral reform the purpose of this thesis revolves around what the consequences are of the current electoral system in Zambia. A complimentary purpose is how an electoral reform can take place and what it might result in.</p><p>A qualitative literature study with a hermeneutic approach has been used in this thesis. A theoretical framework has been created which focuses on different types of electoral systems and their respective consequences on the political system. Important key points of electoral reform have been discussed to give an understanding and foundation for the analysis. The result of the study is that there are several negative consequences with the current electoral system in Zambia. The negative effects range from minority and gender marginalization, lacking representation, weak governments with lacking legitimacy and wasted votes. Some surprising positive traits include the absence of ethnic politization, from time to time a strong opposition and possibilities of coherent policing. It is also believed that there is a profound support for an electoral reform with in many levels of the country and there are.</p> / <p>Sammanfattning</p><p>Denna uppsats tar sin start i valsystem och valreform i Zambia. Demokratisering är ett vanligt tema i Afrika och många länder är i full gång med att befästa sin nyvunna mark. Det demokratiska uppsving som kunde ses i början av 1900-talet följdes i många länder utav ett stillestånd i utvecklingen. På senare år har en tydlig tendens kunnat ses där demokratiseringen på nytt har tagit fart. Som en konsekvens av denna nytända demokratisering i Afrika har frågor kring valsystem, valreform och dess effekter på det politiska systemet börjat att cirkulera. Det är i det sammanhanget som uppsatsen finner sig.</p><p>På uppdrag att finna vad som driver valreform, cirkulerar syftet med denna uppsats kring vilka konsekvenser det nutida valsystemet har i Zambia. Ett kompletterande syfte, eller frågeställning, för analysen vidare mot valreform och vilka utsikter som finns. En kvalitativ literaturstudie med en hermeneutisk ansats har använts i denna uppsatsen. Ett teoretiskt ramverk har skapats som fokuserar kring olika valsystem och deras respektive konsekvenser för det politiska systemet. Teorier kring valreform har också beskrivits och diskuterats fär att ge en förståelse och bakgrund till analysen. Slutsatsen för uppsatsen är att det finns många negativa kopplingar till valsystemet I Zambia. De tydligaste effekterna är att minoriteter och kvinnor blockeras från att delta i parlamentet, att svaga regeringar har funnits trots ett pluralistiskt valsystem som i sig självt har resulterat i en legitimitetsbrist och bortfallna röster. En del positiva inslag kunde även hittas, däribland en saknad av etniska konflikter, en stundom stark opposition och en möjlighet till sammanhängande politik. Som en del av resultatet verkar det också som att det finns ett stöd för en valreform på många olika nivår i Zambia. Detta anses vara nödvändigt om Zambia vill fortsätta att utveckla sin demokrati.</p>

<p>Background & Problem</p><p>The author believes that there are important lessons to be</p><p>learned from the states in Africa that have managed to achieve successful transitions from</p><p>one-party regimes to multy-party regimes. However, Africa today displays countries that</p><p>suffer from enormous problems and many of them are mired in political and economical</p><p>development. A main theme of this thesis is the search for the differences, how can we</p><p>explain the transitions and the outcomes of them?</p><p>Purpose</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to describe the nature of transitions as Bratton</p><p>& de Walle explain them and to see if their suggested explanations hold true in Ghana &</p><p>Zambia. A secondary purpose also includes a comparison between the two cases and the</p><p>differences between them.</p><p>Method</p><p>A combination of a traditional literature study and a focused comparative</p><p>study has been used in order to fulfil the purpose.</p><p>Theoretical Framework</p><p>The second, third, fourth and fifth chapter represent the</p><p>bulk of the theoretical framework. The theories stem from Bratton & de Walle and will be</p><p>weighted against the empirical information found in the two cases.</p><p>Analysis & Conclusions</p><p>The latter chapters of this thesis summarize the results from</p><p>the comparison and include a discussion and comment chapter. The conclusion argues that</p><p>the causes and results of a transition to a large extent can be found in the political. The</p><p>phases that Bratton & de Walle describe are also accurate in relation to the two cases. An</p><p>important feature that Ghana has been successful with is that they have managed to</p><p>withhold a higher political activity throughout their democratization. This has in turn</p><p>resulted in a better outcome.</p>

The purpose of this paper is to analyze Martti Ahtisaari’s comprehensive reportfor Kosovo, CPS, based on theories about democracy, democratization andmulticulturalism. The essay is a way to make a contribution to research on howthe international community can contribute to democratization processes ingeneral, as the CPS gives the expression and democratization of contextscharacterized by multicultural problems in particular. In this paper, we implementa qualitative text analysis of our main material CPS. The qualitative text analysiscan be applied in studies as ours when sought contents of the text are hidden underthe surface. In other words, we can’t read superficially and then draw conclusionsabout which theories of democracy, democratization and multiculturalism as theinternational community encourage in CPS. The conclusions in the paper are thatthe representative democracy theory is expressed most in the CPS, theparticipation democracy less and deliberative democracy least. Amongdemocratization theories the institutional is expressed most, modernization lessand smaller gaps in the population theory least. Kymlickas theory is expressedmore than Okin's theory about the multicultural society.

<p>This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo / s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo / s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.</p>

Numerous authoritarian states use institutions usually associated with democratic regimes like a constitution, elections, and a legislature. This seems to be counterintuitive. Authoritarian regimes should rather shrink away from democratic institutions. Elections can be won by the opposition and legislatures can make decisions against the interests of the ruler. So, why do autocratic regimes install institutions which limit their power and threaten their survival in office? Assuming actors behave rationally, one should expect authoritarian rulers only to introduce procedures working in their favor. This study looks at the effect of institutions in authoritarian regimes. The findings suggest that legislatures significantly lower the chances of regime breakdown in the long run. However, particularly in election years, authoritarian regimes are facing a higher likelihood of failure.

This thesis seeks to identify if, in the course of the United States and NATO s democratic institution building efforts in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the United States and NATO are offering a viable model of how military professionals interact with a healthy democratic society. Because the understanding of how military professionals should interact with society as a whole is often flawed in the United States and other developed democratic states, this study will research how well the United States and NATO are presenting a realistic model to professional soldiers in Bosnia-Herzegovina. This study begins with a broad look at civil-military relations theory and examines select historical examples of professional soldiers exceeding their purview in developed countries such as the United States and Britain. The Yugoslav People s Army s political history is surveyed to examine the political involvement of professional soldiers in politics in the former state of Yugoslavia. Lastly, this study will examine contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina and the West's democratic institution-building efforts.

Comparative studies of democratization point to a multitude of explanatory factors, while often lacking empirical evidence and theoretical foundation. This study introduces the revolution in information technology as a significant contributor to democratization in the 1980s and beyond. Utilizing a cybernetic version of an evolutionary interpretation of democratization an amended model for 147 countries is tested by bivariate and multiple regression analysis. The focus of the analysis is on how the first-ever use of an indicator of information technology explains democratization. The overall findings show that information technology is a meaningful element in the study of democratization today.

The purpose of this thesis was to observe, examine and describe the state of democracy in Latin American countries. I chose the major independent countries (19) in the region to describe the trends of democracy in Latin America. The theoretical part deals with the terms democracy and democratization and explains historical concepts of democracy. To be able to understand the current state of democracy an explication of historical, socioeconomic and cultural background of the region was necessary. In this part I am also showing its relation to democracy and democratic values in the society. To evaluate the level of democracy in the individual states I used three different reports or indexes. First of them is the Polity score, second Bertelsmann transformation index and the third is the annual report of Freedom House -- Freedom in the World. In the final part I am designing the possible perspectives of democracy in the region, which with few exceptions I consider very positive.

Orientador: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy / Banca: Maria Cristina Gobbi / Banca: Roseane Andrelo / Banca: Fernando Oliveira Paulino / Banca: Adilson Vaz Cabral Filho / Resumo: A presente pesquisa está inserida no contexto de ampliação do debate público sobre as políticas de comunicação no Brasil. O objetivo mais amplo do estudo é analisar, a partir das ações do FNDC (Fórum Nacional pela Democratização da Comunicação), como se deu o debate em relação à democratização da comunicação no período posterior à 1a Conferência Nacional de Comunicação (Confecom), realizada em 2009. A conferência é tomada como um marco nas discussões sobre a comunicação e refletia os anseios de segmentos sociais para debater com o governo e o setor empresarial a construção de um novo Marco Regulatório para a área. De forma mais específica, o trabalho também se propõe a identificar as pautas desenvolvidas pelo FNDC e movimentos sociais congregados e seus desdobramentos após a Confecom. O recorte temporal da pesquisa abrange o período 2010-2017, considerando também o contexto e os antecedentes da conferência. Para o desenvolvimento da investigação, recorreu-se à análise de documentos, com o levantamento da legislação da comunicação, consulta a relatórios, clipping e estatuto do Fórum, bem como as resoluções aprovadas nas reuniões plenárias do FNDC no período delimitado. Outro recurso metodológico adotado foi a realização de entrevistas com representantes de organizações afiliadas ao FNDC que participaram da XX Plenária em 2017; com deputados federais ligados às causas da democratização da comunicação no Congresso Nacional e com pesquisadores do campo de políticas de comunicação... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The context of this research is the broadening of the public debate about communication policies in Brazil. The main objective of this study is to analyze, based on the actions of FNDC (National Forum for the Democratization of Communication), how the debate about the democratization of communication took place in the period after the 1st National Communication Conference (Confecom) held in 2009. This conference is taken as a landmark in the discussions about communication and reflected the willingness of society to discuss with government and media owners the construction of a new Regulation Mark for the area. More specifically, this paper proposes to identify the guidelines developed by FNDC and social movements and their developments after the conference. The timeframe used in the analysis is the period of 2010-2017, also considering the context and background of Confecom. The investigation was based in document analysis. The documents analyzed comprehend aspects of communication legislation, reports, clippings and FNDC documents - statute and the resolutions adopted in the plenary meetings of the fórum during the period delimited. Another methodological resource used were interviews with representatives of organizations that are affiliated to the FNDC and that participated in XX Plenary, held in 2017, with federal deputies linked to the discussions about the democratization of communication in the National Congress and with researchers of the field of communication polici... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

A Research Report Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities In partial fulfillment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations / Africa’s wave of democratisation since 1990 has transformed political institutions in the region. But while democracy is a desirable end in itself, considerable doubts remain about whether it is contributing to better development outcomes. This study investigates the impact of political constraints on electricity generating capacity, using cross-national data for 46 sub-Saharan African countries. It tests the hypothesis that institutions that restrain arbitrary executive authority result in higher levels of electricity generating capacity. The hypothesis is informed by the theory of credible commitment. This theory holds that political constraints provide a stable political and policy environment that reduces temptations for governments to renege on their commitments. Credible commitments are especially important in attracting investment with a long gestation period, such as investment in electricity generating capacity. In my method I use a combination of statistical analysis and nested case studies to probe the congruence of these outcomes with my hypothesis. For the nested analysis I use the statistically chosen countries of Rwanda and Kenya, which in themselves conform to the pattern of the hypothesis. My central finding is that the presence of democratic political institutions has led to improved electricity generating outcomes in African states. In this way the study contributes to the understanding of the developmental consequences of democratisation in Africa.