<p>The right kind of democracy – an ideology analysis of school literatures description of the term democracy.</p><p>Writers: Fredrik Hedlund & Mattias Ahlqvist</p><p>Democracy is today a word and a concept that in many ways is taken for granted and almost never is reflected on. The concept democracy is also considered as an essential issue in the swedish school system, both regarding the way the education should be managed and also as a part of the students democratic schooling – all according to the comprehensive document Läroplanen för de frivilliga skolformerna (Lpf94).</p><p>The main purpose of this paper is to investigate how swedish literature in political and social science talks about and looks upon democracy – what do the books say it means?</p><p>The materials we have chosen for this report are the books Zigma and Forum. As metod we are using a textual ideology analysis in which we have created three dimensions – meaning/associations, criticism of democracy, and demos/citizenship. The dimensions are designed to fit our critical point of wiew regarding how democracy is looked upon in school literature today.</p><p>Our results have shown that both books gives the same meaning and significance to the word, that no one of the books lifts forth any serious criticism of democracy and that no one of the books is trying to discuss nor question the word demos/citizenship.</p><p>Key words: democracy, criticism, demos/citizenship, rights and obligations.</p>

The right kind of democracy – an ideology analysis of school literatures description of the term democracy. Writers: Fredrik Hedlund &amp; Mattias Ahlqvist Democracy is today a word and a concept that in many ways is taken for granted and almost never is reflected on. The concept democracy is also considered as an essential issue in the swedish school system, both regarding the way the education should be managed and also as a part of the students democratic schooling – all according to the comprehensive document Läroplanen för de frivilliga skolformerna (Lpf94). The main purpose of this paper is to investigate how swedish literature in political and social science talks about and looks upon democracy – what do the books say it means? The materials we have chosen for this report are the books Zigma and Forum. As metod we are using a textual ideology analysis in which we have created three dimensions – meaning/associations, criticism of democracy, and demos/citizenship. The dimensions are designed to fit our critical point of wiew regarding how democracy is looked upon in school literature today. Our results have shown that both books gives the same meaning and significance to the word, that no one of the books lifts forth any serious criticism of democracy and that no one of the books is trying to discuss nor question the word demos/citizenship. Key words: democracy, criticism, demos/citizenship, rights and obligations.

The question of the democratic deficit have been a much discussed topic in the field of European studies throughout the years. The lack of accountability in the decision-making together with lack of trust and interest from the public have created a situation where the unions democratic legitimacy has been questioned. The goal of this essay is to analyze what measures the EU have taken to restore the union’s legitimacy and in which direction it’s heading structure-wise through the recent ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and to examine if the public will be allowed to participate in the legislative process somehow. For this purpose I have used a qualitative text analysis of the democratic parts of the Lisbon Treaty to find out what reforms or changes that matter for the democratic process. Together with this I have also used Dimitris N. Chrysschoou’s four models for a democratic Europe to see in which direction the EU is going in terms of the nature of the union’s structure in order to determine the prospects of a legitimate governance. My conclusion is that although the member states after the Lisbon Treaty still enjoy much independence the EU is moving towards a more federalized governance and that the institutional reforms give good conditions for an accountable decision-making, while it’s doubtful to imagine that the reforms to increase the public’s participation will have any notable effects.

Εφαρμογή σε PHP και MySQL που αναλαμβάνει την ανάρτηση, αρχειοθέτηση και διαδραστική παρουσίαση διπλωματικών εργασιών στο διαδίκτυο. / Application writen in PHP and MySQL for filing and interactive presentation of dissertations on the Internet.

<p>Barn utgör idag en femtedel av Sveriges befolkning men står likväl utan rösträtt. Denna studie undersöker på vilka grunder vi kan utesluta personer från demos, dvs. det styrande folket i demokratin, och vilka konsekvenser det får för åldersstrecket, vårt sista rösträttsstreck.</p><p> </p><p>Studien utförs från tre perspektiv; empiriskt (är), normativt (bör vara), och konstruktivt (kan vara). Som material används dels rösträttshistorik och offentligt tryck, dels böcker, artiklar och andra resonemang om demokratins utformning. I den empiriska genomgången ser vi hur rösträtten gradvis utvecklats från 1866, från att först innefatta en mängd spärrar mot deltagande till att idag endast avgränsas med åldersstrecket. Dessutom ser vi hur åldersstrecket förändrats och var debatten i rösträttsfrågan står idag. Den normativa analysen presenterar sedan en modifierad princip för demos omfattning och diskuterar alternativ till åldersstrecket samt enligt vilka principer det bör utformas.</p><p>Avslutningsvis föreslås i det konstruktiva kapitlet en sänkt åldersgräns med en tydlig koppling till kompetens. Studien diskuterar även möjligheten att införa ett frivilligt kompetensprov för att kompetenta barn under åldersgränsen ska kunna få rösträtt tidigare.</p>

This dissertation examines the origin, purpose, and function of the Athenian ephebeia during the Lycurgan period (334/3-322/1 B.C.). The ephebeia, a compulsory two-year long state-funded and organized program of military service for eighteen and nineteen year old citizens called ephebes, did not exist as a formal institution prior to 334/3 B.C., the date of the earliest known ephebic inscriptions. Instead, the demos probably created the ephebeia after Alexander’s destruction of Thebes in September 335 B.C. because they needed a standing army to defend Attica against Boeotian raiders. The ephebeia, then, was not a Lycurgan reform of a long-standing institution but founded de novo for a specific military purpose. This explains many hitherto misunderstood aspects of the ephebeia’s organization, officials, and military activities. Having entrusted the defense of Athens to the youngest and most immature citizens with no combat experience, the demos turned them into a capable fighting force by subjecting them to unusually strict discipline and by establishing a program of military training under specialized instructors. The demos also encouraged reluctant ephebes to serve by appealing to their love of honor (philotimia) and rewarded them with many honors at the end of their garrison duty. In addition to its military activities, the ephebeia played an important role in the civic and moral paideia of the ephebes because they were unable to gain the educational benefits from Athens’ democratic institutions. The ephebeia, by instilling moderation, piety, and patriotic fervor in the ephebes, sought to make them virtuous citizens both dedicated to preserving the democracy and deeply motivated to freeing Athens from Macedonian domination. This devotion to the state explains why the institution was abolished by the pro-Macedonian oligarchy (321/0-319/8 B.C.) established after Athens’ defeat in the Lamian War in 322 B.C. / text

<p>U disertaciji se pokazuje na koji način moderni režim čulnosti učestvuje u konstituisanju modernog evropskog pesni&scaron;tva i kako ono kao odgovor na njegove propozicije, sebi svojstvenim strategijama, uspostavlja alternativne režime, pretendujući da izvr&scaron;i preraspodelu čulnosti. Istraživanje se koncentri&scaron;e na poeziju T. S. Eliota, Georga Trakla i Milo&scaron;a Crnjanskog, kao nomoteta modernizma u njihovim nacionalnim književnostima.<br />Polazi&scaron;te ove disertacije je shvatanje prema kome ljudska čulnost nije uslovljena samo fiziolo&scaron;kim procesima, već je, takođe, oposredovana kulturnim konstruktima, formiranim u na određenom mestu i u određenom vremenu, čime se čulnost razumeva kao istorijski i kulturno proizveden način spoznaje i razumevanja. Kao obrazloženje ovog stava u radu se daje rekonstrukcija istorijskog kretanja mi&scaron;ljenja o čulnosti, od Kanta i Baumgartena, preko &Scaron;ilera, Fihtea i Novalisa, do Hegela, Marksa i Ničea. Teorijsko teži&scaron;te rada je, međutim, mi&scaron;ljenje savremenog francuskog filozofa Žaka Ransijera. On pokazuje kako je čulnost organizovana u određene strukture, koje su objedinjene u onome &scaron;to on naziva režimom čulnosti, kao sistemom očiglednih činjenica čulnog opažanja koje istovremeno ukazuju na postojanje nečega<br />zajedničkog, ali i na podelu koja određuje delove i pozicije unutar zajednice, kao i način na koji individue učestvuju u ovoj podeli. Odnos između režima čulnosti i književnosti zavisi je od njenog institucionalnog mesta u datoj zajednici, a Ransijer u ovom smislu prepoznaje tri velike konfiguracije: etiči režim slika, reprezentativni režim i estetski režim. Budući da je na&scaron;e istraživanje istorijski locirano u periodu modernosti, za njega će biti presudan estetski režim u kome se forme opažanja stvarnosti i forme umetničkog stvaranja poklapaju, &scaron;to znači da književnost može da se razume kao estetska praksa (stgrč. aisthesis, čulno opažanje, praxis, delatnost sobodnih ljudi). Ovo joj omogućava da interveni&scaron;e u režimu čulnosti, odnosno da vr&scaron;i preraspodelu onoga &scaron;to je vidljivo i izrecivo.<br />Da bi se pokazalo kako se ova intervencija odigrava, potrebno je izložiti sredi&scaron;nje mehanizme režima čulnosti u kome se moderno pesni&scaron;tvo javlja, &scaron;to činimo tako &scaron;to posežemo za analizama modernih istoričara čulnosti (Jute, Hir&scaron;felder, Smit, Klasen, Hauz, Brodel, Korben, Onfre itd). Njihovi uvidi omogućavaju nam da skiciramo stanje u domenima vida, sluha, mirisa, ukusa i dodira, koji su pozornica na kojima se odigrava data estetska praksa.<br />Sredi&scaron;nji deo rada je analiza poezije Eliota, Trakla i Crnjanskog, odnosno načina na koji ovi pesnici teže da, kao odgovor na iskustvo fragmentacije i kompromitovanja transcendencije, prateći pesničku misao formiranu sa romatizmom i simbolizmom, prevaziđu okvire modernog režima čulnosti i pronađu osnov novog režima. Svaki od pesnika, uprkos konsenzusa oko poetičkih pretpostavki, nudi različit odgovor na ovaj probem, budući da na različit način konstrui&scaron;e figuru modernog čoveka i sliku stvarnosti u kojoj se on na&scaron;ao. U modernoj stvarnosti oni vide gubljenje identiteta subjekta, prouzrokovanu ili nedostatkom svesti o sopstvenoj natčulnoj su&scaron;tini ili nedostatkom dobre zajednice posredstvom koje se uspostavlja njegova stabilnost. Eliot kritikuje i odbacuje modernog čoveka jer se u potpunosti okrenuo materijalnoj stvarnosti, Trakl ga pokazuje u njegovoj neprestanoj oscilaciji između žrtve i zločinca, dok ga Crnjanski vidi kao pripadnika populacije<br />prema kojoj je režim počinio neiskupivu nepravdu. Kao alternativu i mogućnost iskupljenja ovi pesnici nude različite odgovore, od zajednice vernika okupljenih oko i&scaron;ekivanja natčulnog (Eliot), preko ruralnih fiturgijskih zajednice koje bi čuvale dinamičku granicu sa divljinom i spolja&scaron;njo&scaron;ću (Trakl), do simulakruma nacionalne zajednice koja bi bila garant smisla i ovozemaljske radosti pojedinca (Crnjanski). U disertaciji se, konačno, nudi i osvrt na ambivalentne efekte njihovog pesni&scaron;tva u zajednicama u kojima se ono javilo.</p>

<p>This thesis focuses on the territorial dimension of democracy by studying the division of Swedish municipalities. It consists of two parts focusing on two types of changes to the division of municipalities: amalgamation and secession.</p><p>The consequences of a series of amalgamation reforms are the starting point for the first part. The question is if the new structure of the municipalities following from amalgamation, e.g. increased size, changed centre-periphery relations and an increased number of urban areas within municipalities, has had any importance for local democracy. The structural factors are looked at in the light of three aspects of democracy: municipalities as community units, their democratic legitimacy and political participation. This study shows that amalgamations can have negative effects for democracy and the conclusion is that the optimal division, from a democratic point of view, is one of small municipalities with only one dominating urban area in each municipality.</p><p>As for secession, the study shows that few citizens want their part of the municipality to secede, except for those who live in parts that have had an application for secession rejected in recent years. The most important reason for supporting secession is that it would improve democracy. The main reason for opposing secession is that it would lead to decreased efficiency. The study also shows that certain conditions may change the attitude to secession, but these conditions cannot explain why a higher proportion than average is positive to secession in municipality parts that have applied for secession in recent years.</p>

This thesis focuses on the territorial dimension of democracy by studying the division of Swedish municipalities. It consists of two parts focusing on two types of changes to the division of municipalities: amalgamation and secession. The consequences of a series of amalgamation reforms are the starting point for the first part. The question is if the new structure of the municipalities following from amalgamation, e.g. increased size, changed centre-periphery relations and an increased number of urban areas within municipalities, has had any importance for local democracy. The structural factors are looked at in the light of three aspects of democracy: municipalities as community units, their democratic legitimacy and political participation. This study shows that amalgamations can have negative effects for democracy and the conclusion is that the optimal division, from a democratic point of view, is one of small municipalities with only one dominating urban area in each municipality. As for secession, the study shows that few citizens want their part of the municipality to secede, except for those who live in parts that have had an application for secession rejected in recent years. The most important reason for supporting secession is that it would improve democracy. The main reason for opposing secession is that it would lead to decreased efficiency. The study also shows that certain conditions may change the attitude to secession, but these conditions cannot explain why a higher proportion than average is positive to secession in municipality parts that have applied for secession in recent years.

Barn utgör idag en femtedel av Sveriges befolkning men står likväl utan rösträtt. Denna studie undersöker på vilka grunder vi kan utesluta personer från demos, dvs. det styrande folket i demokratin, och vilka konsekvenser det får för åldersstrecket, vårt sista rösträttsstreck.   Studien utförs från tre perspektiv; empiriskt (är), normativt (bör vara), och konstruktivt (kan vara). Som material används dels rösträttshistorik och offentligt tryck, dels böcker, artiklar och andra resonemang om demokratins utformning. I den empiriska genomgången ser vi hur rösträtten gradvis utvecklats från 1866, från att först innefatta en mängd spärrar mot deltagande till att idag endast avgränsas med åldersstrecket. Dessutom ser vi hur åldersstrecket förändrats och var debatten i rösträttsfrågan står idag. Den normativa analysen presenterar sedan en modifierad princip för demos omfattning och diskuterar alternativ till åldersstrecket samt enligt vilka principer det bör utformas. Avslutningsvis föreslås i det konstruktiva kapitlet en sänkt åldersgräns med en tydlig koppling till kompetens. Studien diskuterar även möjligheten att införa ett frivilligt kompetensprov för att kompetenta barn under åldersgränsen ska kunna få rösträtt tidigare.