This thesis examines how the Amazigh diaspora, networked in France's Amazigh cultural associations, village committees and political movements, constructs an imaginative geography of North Africa, which they call Tamazgha, and the implications this has for this emergent and diverse group. It sets out to theorise and understand the political geographies of this diasporic social movement in the contemporary moment. It does so by approaching the Amazigh diaspora as its primary object of research within a relational, multiscalar analysis of its geopolitics. This thesis contributes to the subdiscipline of political geography as well as Amazigh studies. Drawing on ethnographic and documentary methods, including an experimental methodology for the digital sphere, it outlines the major themes of the diasporic Amazigh movement's relationship to space and place; making the diaspora, articulating indigeneity, negotiating citizenship and accommodating nativism. It analyses facets of Amazigh diaspora politics at times as a nation, at others as a social movement, finding a productive interaction between these two concepts. It is both an imagined community of people who claim to share a common language and culture and a political movement entraining activists, members and political parties in the pursuit of political change. As an Indigenous people, it is both a transnational social movement calling on the states where they live to uphold the rights of their Amazigh populations, and also a nation with a flag, asserting its claim to sovereignty, however limited. The diaspora associations frame themselves as a social movement championing diverse citizenship and integration in French society, whilst homeland-oriented citizenship is mostly expressed in nationalistic terms. This thesis charts how the politics of this diasporic Amazigh movement contest and produce spatial imaginations in the contemporary context of Mediterranean integration, new nationalisms and populisms, and the fear of Islamist terrorism in French society. With its focus on the political and imaginative geographies of the diasporic Amazigh movement, the thesis is organised topically, elaborating on different facets of political subjectivities in four substantive chapters that focus on the core themes of diaspora, indigeneity, citizenship and nativism. Chapter 2 provides an historical and sociological context for the study, and Chapter 3 details its methodology. Chapter 4 examines diaspora as a geopolitical concept, understood on the one hand as like a social movement and on the other as like a nation. It presents an understanding of diaspora 'as process' or 'assemblage' that constantly reworks the boundaries of nation, state, community and identity, within an imaginative geography of 'home'. Chapter 5 picks up from here to focus on how indigeneity is articulated as a political positioning in the diasporic Amazigh movement. Drawing on Stuart Hall's terminology to theorise the politics of indigeneity in relation to place, it outlines several Indigenous articulations made in the discourse and practices of the leaders and members of diasporic Amazigh associations. Chapter 6 focuses on the discourses and practices of citizenship, which in the diaspora intersect, overlap and produce transnational spaces. Drawing out an empirical distinction between 'diaspora-oriented' and 'homeland-oriented' citizenships, the chapter details how citizenship practices in relation to French state and society can be understood as 'ordinary' whilst those in relation to North African state(s) and society are characterised more as performative 'Acts'. Finally, chapter 7 homes in on Amazigh politics in the current context of increasingly influential nativist-populism in France and across Europe.

plan B / Pacific Islands Studies

Ce travail examine la participation des diasporas à la transformation des conflits dans le pays d’origine, en particulier celle qui prend la forme d'engagement dans les travaux de mémoire. Il explore le rôle des diasporas dans les batailles mnémoniques en jeu dans les processus de transformation du conflit dans le pays d'origine, et revisite donc la triade «artisans de paix - saboteurs - neutres» propre aux analyses de conflit. Cette recherche examine les diverses batailles de mémoire existantes entre les individus et les groupements et qui renvoient aux différentes vagues migratoires et classes sociales, ainsi qu’aux diverses histoires d'activisme politique transnational. Ce travail évalue la relation entre l'Etat d'origine et sa population à l'étranger. Ainsi, il examine les manières de (ré)imaginer, de verbaliser et de mettre en œuvre les notions de «patrie», de «retour» et de «bon citoyen» pour les populations à l'étranger, qui cadrent les processus de production d’un comportement spécifique visant à garantir la prospérité et la sécurité du pays d'origine. En outre, cette étude examine la réceptivité du pays d’origine à la (ré)incorporation des souvenirs diasporiques dans le récit négocié à construire dans le cadre d’un processus de transition à l'issue d'un conflit. Cette recherche se base sur des données obtenues grâce à des travaux de terrain comprenant l’observation participante des activités associatives et consulaires, la collecte de témoignages oraux des membres des associations de migrants colombiens à Paris, New York, DC et Boston, ainsi que sur des sources primaires rassemblées dans les archives du Congrès colombien et du MAE à Bogota (COL). / This work delves into diaspora participation in conflict transformation in the homeland, in particular that which takes the form of engagement in memory works. It explores the role of diasporas in the mnemonic battles at play within a process of conflict transformation in the country of origin, thus revisiting the “peace-makers ― spoilers ― neutrals” triad that traditionally categorizes diaspora participation in homeland conflicts.This research examines the diverse mnemonic struggles among individuals and groupings pertaining to different migratory waves, social classes, and with different histories of transnational political activism.This study assesses the relationship between a sending state and its population abroad. Hence,it looks at the modes of (re)imagining, verbalizing, and enacting of the notions of ‘home’, ‘return’ and ‘good national’, for populations abroad, as part of state-led subject-making processes aiming at producing a specific behaviour that will guarantee the prosperity and security of the country of origin. Also, the study addresses homeland responsiveness to (re)incorporating diasporic memories into the negotiated narrative to be constructed as part of the process of coming to terms with mass violence and the transition out of conflict. The research is based on data obtained through fieldwork encompassing participant observation of associational and consular activities, the collection of oral testimonies from members of Colombian migrants’ associations in Paris and in the New York City – DC - Boston line, as well as on written sources compiled in the Depository of Congress and the archives of the Colombian MFA in Bogota.

This thesis aims to observe and distinguish if the Cuban Diaspora in the U.S. still meets the conditions of being a diaspora. To examine this purpose, the thesis answer the tree following research questions: 1. How has the immigration of Cubans in the United States of Americas developed over the years? 2. What are the features of the present Cuban Diaspora in the United States of America? 3. Has the Cuban Diaspora changed its affiliation towards its homeland or host land? To answer these questions a theoretical framework has been made with three main points of what characteristics a diaspora has, which has been summarized from different researcher’s definition of the meaning of diaspora. The study is a case study, which will be formed by the method of a qualitative desk study, using the tool of process tracing. This for the ability to collect and process vast amounts of data, systematically go through the historical process of the Cuban diaspora in the U.S. that leads up to the present time and then analyze this with the theoretical framework. The conclusion of this essay shows a change within the Cuban Diaspora in the U.S. but is unable to point out clear that the diaspora does not meet the conditions of the chosen framework. The conclusion states that further research needs to be done within this area.

Historically, political mobilization within the Egyptian Canadian community in Ottawa for homeland politics has been minimal. Yet, since 2011, its members have taken part in a wide range of activities with the hope that they could contribute to the Egyptian uprising and shape the new political environment that arose from it. What compelled them to do so, and why only since 2011? Rooted in both the literatures on diaspora and transnationalism, this thesis argues that there were two simultaneous processes behind their mobilization. First, their sense of belonging to Egypt led some individuals within the Ottawa community to give a new political aspect and meaning to their Egyptian identity, and second, a series of events linked to the Egyptian uprising acted as catalysts to turn these identity-related feelings into action, which subsequently created new rifts within the community.

Cette thèse porte sur le mouvement séparatiste tamoul sri lankais en France, depuis son émergence au début des années 1980 jusqu'à 2009. L'enjeu est de comprendre les ressorts du nationalisme à distance tel qu'il est diffusé par les associations tamoules de la région parisienne qui ont soutenu les Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Il est aussi dequestionner le concept de nationalisme à longue distance. A partir d'une enquête reposant principalement sur des entretiens et de l'observation directe, ce travail propose notamment une analyse du fonctionnement interne du mouvement et de ses relations externes. C'est d'abord le projet identitaire et politique du nationalisme eelamiste qui est défini, ainsi que la façon dont les leaders pro LTTE ont diffusé cette idéologie nationaliste dans l'ensemble de la diaspora tamoule. Le succès des discours séparatistes ne peut cependant se comprendre sans une analyse des dispositifs qui permettent en France d'ancrer la nation tamoule dans la vie quotidienne des migrants. Cette thèse montre ainsi que le mouvement nationaliste tamoul fonctionne comme une institution dans laquelle les comportements de dévouement sont valorisés, mais aussi dans laquelle la possibilité d'investissements différenciés est aménagée. Enfin, cette étude montre comment le mouvement eelamiste en France a été amené à se reconfigurer sous l'effet des relations externes établies à différentes échelles d'action / This dissertation deals with the Sri Lankan Tamil separatist movement in France, from its beginning in the 1980's to 2009. The aim is to understand the way Tamil associations in the Paris region have supported the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and have spread the Tamil long-distance nationalism. Based mainly on interviews and direct observation, this studyoffers an interactionnist analysis of the internal functioning of the movement and of its external relations. First the identity and political project of Eelam nationalism is exposed, as well as the way it has expanded in the Tamil diaspora. Nevertheless the succes of nationalist discourses cannot be understood without examining the system that anchors the Tamil nation in the migrants' daily lives. This dissertation shows that the Tamil nationalist movement works like an institution. Devotion behaviours are encouraged but differentiated engagements are also made possible. Finally this work shows how the Eelam movement in France has evolved according to the effects of external relations at multiple locations

With the increase in International migration, migrants and diasporas contribution and engagement with their countries of origin has seen growing focus from academics, policymakers, governments and other stakeholders. This has been especially the case in the development sector where remittances form a sizeable percentage of some low-income country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Official remittances data suggest that in 2016, migrants sent an estimated US$441billion to developing countries, a figure three times the size of official development aid. Beyond remittances, there are numerous examples through which the linkage between diaspora and migrants and countries of origin contribute to poverty reduction and economic growth. With the proliferation of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) tools, there is a growing interest in how diasporas are utilising these tools to facilitate transnational knowledge transfer, skills, and social change. This paper examines the use of ICT tools by diaspora organisations in the United Kingdom to engage in international development or/and community development in the UK and discusses the incorporation of information and communication technologies, focusing on the potential of ICTs to assist development at a micro and macro-level, and the effectiveness of these approaches in realising the potential of information communications technology for development (ICT4D). In examining the role and importance of societal factors - specifically structure, agency and social capital- the research adopts Pierre Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice as the theoretical framework., building on the concepts of the duality of structure and agency. This study is situated between three themes that are emerging on their own right but rarely married in development literature- Diaspora, Transnationalism and ICT4D - the case-studies presented in this paper suggest that a range of limiting factors in both host country (i.e. funding, skills) and global South countries (local partners capacity, infrastructure, and affordability) leads to programmes and initiatives by diaspora organisations more often being limited by ICTs rather than being facilitated or driven by the technology itself.

Assyrians are members of a stateless nation with roots in the Middle East, although due to conflict, persecution and instability a majority of Assyrians now live in diaspora in many different countries. The Assyrian community in Sweden now numbers approximately 100.000 individuals, of which approximately 18.000 to 25.000 live in the greater Stockholm area. This thesis utilizes the example of the Swedish-Assyrian community to analyze two research topics: the political engagement of a diaspora within a host country; and diasporic efforts to maintain a distinctive culture and contribute to its own nation building while residing in diaspora, a particularly pressing question for a stateless nation, such as the Assyrian nation. This thesis utilizes ethnographic data acquired via personal interviews with Swedish-Assyrian individuals and participant observation to discuss these research subjects. With regards to diaspora political engagement, the thesis finds that Swedish-Assyrians utilize their rights as Swedish citizens and their voices as Assyrians to engage with both Swedish politics and Assyrian causes. They are motivated by both Swedish political issues and by the Assyrian national cause. The ethnographic data is further used to analyze the discourse on identity and nation-building among the Swedish Assyrian community, including the impact of the host country’s culture and policies on the diaspora group and attempts to create a unified nation through education and placing emphasis on an ethnic, rather than solely religious, identity. These efforts bring Assyrians in Sweden closer together by helping to bridge differences in language and culture, but as Assyrians internationally now find themselves also affected by the cultures of their new nations, new differences and divisions simultaneously appear.

This thesis describes the CCP united front work in the Czech Republic and challenges the current understanding of the Chinese diaspora's role in the PRC's influence in countries with small Chinese communities. Through an analysis of primary Chinese-language sources contextualized using secondary literature, the study presents the first overall picture of the CCP united front work in a European country. It identifies the main united front groups within the Czech Chinese diaspora and describes their engagement with the Czech and PRC political systems, as well as pan-European Chinese diaspora associations. The main finding is that, while these organizations play an auxiliary role to the Party-state organs and channels PRC uses for interacting with Czech and European politics, their importance and activity is higher than noticed in previous research. The study further finds that the trans-national mobility of the European Chinese migrant communities, well- established in previous scholarship, influences united front work in its treatment of the continent as single space. The creation of pan-European Chinese associations is actively supported by the PRC organs that engage them on higher level than groups restricted to specific countries. The relevance of previous research on European Chinese diaspora to...

Motivated by the desire to see a world living up to the ideal of harmonious multicultural communities, this thesis critically assesses two contemporary approaches to multiculturalism, namely Liberalism 1 and 2. The central argument forwarded here is that although Liberalism 1 and 2 are commendable approaches to the management of difference in a polity, they are unable to secure long-term intergroup harmony owing to the static understanding of identity that underpins both approaches. To highlight the shortcomings of Liberalism 1 and 2, this thesis examines the relationship between Diasporas and more sessile communities. Diasporas have been specifically selected for this purpose for two reasons. Firstly, most comprehensive discussions on multiculturalism have not employed the experience of diasporas in their research. Secondly, as the number of diasporas are set to grow and as the term is traditionally used in a negative way in reference to a `difficult' minority, there is a need to examine approaches towards multiculturalism through diasporic eyes. Evaluation of the three diasporic experiences of the Chinese, Africans and Jews in both Liberalism I and 2 has supported the main argument of the thesis. All three experiences have revealed that Liberalism 1 and 2 are unable to attain their long-term goals for multiculturalism due to three difficulties that stem from their static notion of identity. (1) Both positions foreclose the possibility for long-term harmony in a multicultural polity due to an overly pessimistic approach to the management of difference. Due to this foreclosure, predictions of conflict unwittingly prove to be true. (2) Liberalism 1 is overly reliant on constant but unachievable enforcement with its difference-blind approach to the management of difference. (3) The need for Liberalism 2 to compartmentalise individuals into distinct groups leads to the perpetuation of stereotypes while also denying individuals the opportunity to redefine themselves.