Durante a ditadura (1964-85), a Anistia Internacional ofereceu assistência a presos políticos brasileiros e ajudou a divulgar no exterior as denúncias de tortura perpetradas por agentes da repressão do regime militar brasileiro. Este trabalho se detém sobre a atuação da Anistia Internacional em relação ao Brasil durante o período da ditadura. A fim de entender como se deu essa atuação, buscou-se analisar o processo de formação da Anistia, seu modus operandi na investigação de denúncias de violações de direitos humanos, e identificar os seus princípios e diretrizes. No exame sobre a assistência a presos políticos brasileiros, foi possível observar uma flexibilização dos princípios de foco no indivíduo e não-violência, que eram considerados pela organização como constitutivos da sua atuação no plano internacional. Além disso, reuniu-se documentação que indica que a decisão da Anistia de intensificar a defesa de presos políticos brasileiros, verificada a partir de 1969, não foi motivada somente pelo agravamento de sua situação. Deveu-se também à reformulação estratégica posta em prática pela organização após a grave crise interna que a AI atravessou em 1967. A nova estratégia pressupunha avanços na profissionalização que previam a expansão das atividades da Anistia para além da Europa, o que permitiu uma reformulação de seu trabalho em relação à América Latina e ao Brasil, onde sua atuação havia permanecido tímida até 1969. / During the Brazilian dictatorship (1964-85), Amnesty International assisted political prisoners and helped to publicize charges of torture against agents of the military regimes repressive apparatus. This work focuses on the activities of Amnesty during the period of Brazil\'s dictatorship; analyzing its modus operandi, core principles and objectives. Through a specific examination of Amnesty\'s work on Brazilian political prisoners, it is possible to observe how Amnesty adapted its organizational principles such as non-violence and the focus on individual cases during this time. In 1967, Amnesty experienced a severe internal crisis, which prompted the organization to set a new strategy of professionalization. These changes enabled Amnesty to expand its activities beyond Europe to Latin America, including Brazil, where before 1969 its presence had been minimal. The research shows how Amnestys decision to increase its focus on Brazilian political prisoners from 1969 onwards was not only due to the worsening plight of these prisoners but also motivated by a new agenda in the organisation itself.

Este estudo se propõe a elucidar o processo por meio do qual a ditadura militar brasileira, em seus anos mais truculentos também chamados de os anos de chumbo se aproximou do futebol nacional como forma de se promover politicamente e fazer do esporte um de seus pilares de sustentação popular. Mais do que demonstrar que o futebol foi utilizado para fins políticos, o intuito aqui é esclarecer os mecanismos institucionais utilizados pelo governo militar para se aproximar dos atores responsáveis pela gestão esportiva no âmbito nacional e fazer com que seu projeto esportivo fosse executado de forma a gerar os frutos desejados. Buscou-se entender também até que ponto a postura do governo militar brasileiro em relação ao futebol interferiu na gestão do esporte a nível mundial. Para isso, foram investigadas as trajetórias particulares de personagens e instituições que marcaram a história política e/ou esportiva do Brasil, como a de Emílio Garrastazu Médici, Arthur da Costa e Silva, João Havelange, CBD e FIFA. / This study aims to elucidate the process by which the brazilian military dictatorship in his most truculent years - also called \'years of lead\' - utilized the national soccer as a way to promote itself politically and make the sport one of its foundations of popular support. More than demonstrate that football was used for political purposes, the aim here is to clarify the institutional mechanisms used by the military government to approach the actors responsible for sports management at the national level and execute this sports project in order to generate the desired results. Attempt was also made to understand to what extent the position of the Brazilian military government in relation to football interfered in the management of the sport worldwide . For this, the particular trajectories of characters and institutions that marked the political and/or sports history of Brazil, as Emilio Garrastazu Medici, Arthur da Costa e Silva, João Havelange, FIFA and CBD were investigated.

Durante a ditadura (1964-85), a Anistia Internacional ofereceu assistência a presos políticos brasileiros e ajudou a divulgar no exterior as denúncias de tortura perpetradas por agentes da repressão do regime militar brasileiro. Este trabalho se detém sobre a atuação da Anistia Internacional em relação ao Brasil durante o período da ditadura. A fim de entender como se deu essa atuação, buscou-se analisar o processo de formação da Anistia, seu modus operandi na investigação de denúncias de violações de direitos humanos, e identificar os seus princípios e diretrizes. No exame sobre a assistência a presos políticos brasileiros, foi possível observar uma flexibilização dos princípios de foco no indivíduo e não-violência, que eram considerados pela organização como constitutivos da sua atuação no plano internacional. Além disso, reuniu-se documentação que indica que a decisão da Anistia de intensificar a defesa de presos políticos brasileiros, verificada a partir de 1969, não foi motivada somente pelo agravamento de sua situação. Deveu-se também à reformulação estratégica posta em prática pela organização após a grave crise interna que a AI atravessou em 1967. A nova estratégia pressupunha avanços na profissionalização que previam a expansão das atividades da Anistia para além da Europa, o que permitiu uma reformulação de seu trabalho em relação à América Latina e ao Brasil, onde sua atuação havia permanecido tímida até 1969. / During the Brazilian dictatorship (1964-85), Amnesty International assisted political prisoners and helped to publicize charges of torture against agents of the military regimes repressive apparatus. This work focuses on the activities of Amnesty during the period of Brazil\'s dictatorship; analyzing its modus operandi, core principles and objectives. Through a specific examination of Amnesty\'s work on Brazilian political prisoners, it is possible to observe how Amnesty adapted its organizational principles such as non-violence and the focus on individual cases during this time. In 1967, Amnesty experienced a severe internal crisis, which prompted the organization to set a new strategy of professionalization. These changes enabled Amnesty to expand its activities beyond Europe to Latin America, including Brazil, where before 1969 its presence had been minimal. The research shows how Amnestys decision to increase its focus on Brazilian political prisoners from 1969 onwards was not only due to the worsening plight of these prisoners but also motivated by a new agenda in the organisation itself.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender, através de anúncios publicitários veiculados em revistas de grande circulação entre os anos de 1968 e 1973, as relações estabelecidas entre o regime ditatorial brasileiro e importantes setores da sociedade civil brasileira: as camadas médias e altas, amplas consumidoras das mercadorias anunciadas e interlocutoras privilegiadas dos anúncios, nos quais se expressam imaginários sociais, valores morais, anseios e expectativas; o amplo leque de anunciantes, com seus distintos objetivos mercadológicos e ideológicos, indo do próprio governo ditatorial à burguesia nacional e internacional, e suas intersecções; e o setor publicitário, que na criação dos anúncios reúne não somente objetivos e expectativas dos outros dois agentes, mas também expressam sentidos e questões inerentes à própria profissão. O resultado é um produto cultural bastante singular e revelador das tensões políticas e sociais existentes no contexto ditatorial, sobretudo nos anos do milagre econômico, que condensam tais tensões na dupla alcunha de anos de ouro e anos de chumbo, e que compõem o recorte temporal desta pesquisa. / The objective of this research is to understand, through commercial advertisements published in magazines of great circulation between the years of 1968 and 1973, the relations established between the Brazilian dictatorship and important sectors of Brazilian civil society: the middle and upper classes, large consumers of the advertised commodities and privileged interlocutors of the advertisements, in which are expressed social imaginaries, moral values, wishes and expectations; the wide range of advertisers, with their distinct market and ideological goals, ranging from the dictatorial government to the national and international bourgeoisie and its intersections; and the advertising sector, which in the creation of the ads brings together not only the goals and expectations of the other two subjects, but also express meanings and issues inherent to the profession itself. The result is a singular cultural product that revealing the political and social tensions being in the dictatorial context, especially in the years of the \"economic miracle\", which condense such tensions into the double nickname of \"golden years\" and \"years of lead,\" and which compose the temporal limits of this research.

This dissertation examines U.S. views of Mexico from the end of the U.S.-Mexico War in 1848, to the end of the first phase of the Mexican Revolution in May 1911. During this period numerous Americans saw Mexico as a laboratory to test their ability to transform a country seemingly in need of guidance. Americans, however, struggled to define the role of the United States: whether it was solely to be a model for other nations to follow, or whether Americans should be actively involved in this process. In the years after the U.S. Civil War, a diverse group of Americans, especially missionaries, investors, and working-class activists, saw Mexico as a nation in need of change and sought to affect its transformation through the means of informal imperialism. Yet they vigorously disagreed whether this transformation should occur in religious, political, economic or social terms. Despite these differences, they all believed that Mexico could be reshaped in the image of the United States. Their views thus provided a powerful counter-narrative to persistent U.S. images of the Mexican people as irredeemable because of allegedly inherent inferiorities based on race, religion or culture. The dissertation also examines the role of Mexican actors in attracting, resisting and altering U.S. informal imperialism. These Mexican actors included government officials who petitioned for U.S. assistance during the French Intervention (1862-67) and the Porfiriato (1876-1911); dissident Catholic priests who requested aid for the fledgling Protestant movement in Mexico; and Mexican liberal exiles from the repressive Díaz regime, who sought U.S. support in bringing a democratic government to Mexico. More generally this dissertation challenges scholarly assessments of the United States as an isolationist nation during the mid-to-late nineteenth century, before the embrace of formal empire after the War of 1898. Though different groups of Americans would come to divergent conclusions about the foreign policy of the United States, a close analysis of U.S. efforts to reshape Mexico reveals an outward-looking and internationalist public that took seriously its self-image as a nation destined to transform the world.

<p>This essay is about North Korea, Kim Jong Il and how the future looks for the states political system. The purpose is to explain how Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regim rules the state and with help of Machiavellis theory about the Prince, tell about the states future. The essayinvestigates how well Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime are keeping their power overthe state and if their possibilities to continue in the same way are good or bad. The essayinvestigates North Koreas possibilities for further reign through Niccolo Machiavellis theory.</p><p>The argument is that the North Korean state and Kim Jong Il have few or noneconditions to continue with the same political system that the state in this time have.</p><p>The result shows that, through a Machiavellian perspective, Kim Jong Il and the North Korean regime have bad conditions to continue ruling the state in same way as now. The investigation, unfortunately, do not show when and how North Korea will be exposed to a government switch , but the result points to a change.</p>

In this thesis, I explore the journey between my worlds, the North and the South, examining the politics and poetics of diaspora. In this process I’ve assembled an archive of memory that has been complied over many years. This archive is a collection of memories and artefacts, of items that I still keep as well as items that were left behind a long time ago, and whose imprints are still very much alive in me. Furthermore, this thesis deals with art in Chile that arose out of the tumultuous period of unrest and unbalance following the rise of the dictatorship in 1973. In this thesis, I deal with artists such as Alfredo Jaar, Lotty Rosenfeld, and Eugenio Dittborn, among others. The work of these artists during this artistic period of resistance is constantly imprinted with signs and codes, as well as staunchness and obliqueness, marking a pivotal role in the continued resistance to the oppressors. Likewise, throughout this thesis I examine the ideas and the prevalently latent shift or “in-betweeness” that exists in the narrative of diaspora and in my own narrative as well. Here, I examine the works of artists, cultural theorists and writers including Stuart Hall, Edward Said, Nelly Richard, James Luna, and Salman Rushdie (among others) to reflect on how their work has influenced, shaped and directed my study of Diaspora, and to a greater extent, my understanding of the politics of it. Likewise, throughout his thesis I work to understand of the heterogeneous yet situated bodies of knowledge and experience that make up the contemporary cultural archive of diaspora. This includes various definitions of diaspora that both interrupt the text as well as enrich it.

In Argentina, the violence of the recent past has become the central analysis of History and Collective Memory. The crimes and human rights violations that occurred during the last dictatorship (1976-1983) have been the object of dispute. The “two demons” theory that derived from the report of the “National Commission of the Disappeared” assigned equal responsibility to the two parties involved in the conflict: the dictatorship and the militant opposition. The theory positioned Argentinean society as a spectator or victim of the violence. Since the return of democracy in 1983, Argentinean social discourse has shown fluctuations in the conflictive relationship between History and Collective Memory regarding this traumatic time period. The literary discourse, as an integrated part of the social discourse, shares common arguments and topics which are inscribed and transformed in post dictatorship literary texts. This dissertation analyses the fictional representation of History and Collective Memory in four Argentinean novels published between 1995 and 2002: Dos veces junio (2002) by Martín Kohan, El secreto y las voces (2002) by Carlos Gamerro, Ni muerto has perdido tu nombre (2002) and Villa (1995) by Luis Gusmán. I argue that these novels present the necessary equilibrium between the two narrations of the past. By introducing narrating voices outside the dual format of victims and victimizers, the characters seem to extend responsibility for what had happened to other groups of individuals. These novels also introduce the children of the disappeared, who want to recover their “incomplete” family identity. I assert that these characters bring into question the theory of the “two demons”. They signal that there are other protagonists of the crimes: the witnesses who kept silent for many years. The question of social responsibility during the last dictatorship is embedded in the representation of the conflictive relationship between Collective Memory and History. Impunity for the human rights violations intertwines the four novels by highlighting the omission, silence and cowardly attitudes possessed by the characters. Those who witnessed the crimes that erased many identities, and remained silent, share part of the responsibility.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Emory University, 2005. / "UMI Number: 3201416"--T.p. verso. Includes bibliographical references (p. 472-489).

Submitted by Lucienne Costa (lucienneferreira@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-06-26T19:53:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ROBERTA GERCIANE VIANA DE ARAÚJO – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2017.pdf: 2388841 bytes, checksum: 9db564d9d0489aa9f92792acfa0fdf62 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-26T19:53:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROBERTA GERCIANE VIANA DE ARAÚJO – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2017.pdf: 2388841 bytes, checksum: 9db564d9d0489aa9f92792acfa0fdf62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08 / O presente texto visa analisar o significado histórico das comemorações do Sesquicentenário de Independência do Brasil no contexto da ditadura militar, buscando analisar a indagação “Qual o significado histórico das comemorações do Sesquicentenário de Independência do Brasil no contexto da ditadura militar na Paraíba com especial ênfase em Campina Grande?”, visando especificamente explanar como se desenvolveram as comemorações aos 150 anos de independência do Brasil em Campina Grande/PB, contextualizar a construção da festa e o papel da propaganda política, e problematizar como a ditadura militar se apropriou da história. Teoricamente, este projeto se adequa na perspectiva da História Social Marxista, por tratar de lançar um olhar crítico sobre como o regime militar se apropriou das comemorações referentes ao sesquicentenário e da ostensiva propaganda para gerar uma aproximação simpática com o povo. Buscamos assim compreender a temática através dos conceitos de ideologia, hegemonia e intelectual orgânico de António Gramsci, visando uma perspectiva político-ideológica acerca do tema. Para tanto, utilizar-se-á como fonte principal de pesquisa o periódico “Jornal da Paraíba”, correspondente ao mês de setembro de 1972. Outras fontes utilizadas são o jornal Diário da Borborema, Atas da Câmara Municipal de Vereadores de Campina Grande e as correspondências enviadas e recebidas pelo Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Paraibano (IHGP) referentes ao ano de 1972. Campina Grande e a Paraíba também fizeram parte do contexto de comemorações e através da análise das fontes constatamos como a mídia do estado e as autoridades foram coniventes com o que estava ocorrendo no Brasil frente os planos militares. Através das reflexões propostas na pesquisa, identificamos que tal momento foi comemorado em todo o país e, através da propaganda, serviu como uma espécie de aproximação “simpática” do regime militar com as camadas populares, festejando sua própria história e, principalmente o presente e os planos futuros. / The purpose of this paper is to analyze the historical significance of the celebrations of the Sesquicentenary of Independence of Brazil in the context of the military dictatorship, seeking to analyze the question "What is the historical significance of the commemorations of the Sesquicentenary of Independence of Brazil in the context of the military dictatorship in Paraíba with special emphasis on Campina Grande? ", Specifically aimed at explaining how the 150th anniversary of Brazil's independence in Campina Grande / PB developed, to contextualize the construction of the party and the role of political propaganda, and to problematize how the military dictatorship appropriated history. Theoretically, this project fits in the perspective of Marxist Social History, because it tries to throw a critical eye on how the military regime appropriated the commemorations referring to the sesquicentennial and the ostensive propaganda to generate a sympathetic approach with the people. We thus seek to understand the theme through the concepts of ideology, hegemony and organic intellectual of António Gramsci, aiming at a political-ideological perspective on the theme. To do so, the periodical "Jornal da Paraíba", corresponding to the month of September of 1972, will be used as the main research source. Other sources used are the Diário da Borborema newspaper, Minutes of the Municipal Council of Campina Grande and correspondences Sent and received by the Historical and Geographic Institute Paraibano (IHGP) for the year 1972. Campina Grande and Paraíba were also part of the context of celebrations and through the analysis of the sources we verified how the state media and the authorities were conniving with what Was occurring in Brazil in front of the military plans. Through the reflections proposed in the research, we identified that such moment was celebrated throughout the country and, through propaganda, served as a sort of "sympathetic" approach of the military regime with the popular strata, celebrating its own history and especially the present and Future plans.