The concern of this study is with residential location. It is contended that while consideration of economic and broad social variables will explain general patterns of segregation, finer differentiation exists which can only be revealed when detailed household characteristics are taken into account. The hypothesis under examination is that the social character of an individual or household has a significant effect on the choice of residential location, people with similar social characteristics grouping together in the same residential area. The hypothesis was tested in two upper income areas of Vancouver, British Columbia - Shaughnessy and British Properties - the expectation being that two distinct groups might emerge, representing an old elite group and a new upper class. Such a distinction was sought in terms of three main variables - mobility, family ties and social background. After interviewing thirty households in each area it was found that two distinct groups did emerge, the Shaughnessy group displaying characteristics attributable to the old upper class - stability, strong family ties and a prestige social background common to all the members - while the British Properties residents were highly mobile, had weak family ties and varied social backgrounds lacking the prestige elements present in the other group, such characteristics being typical of a new elite. These distinct social groups are shown to be spatially segregated with households of similar characteristics occupying the same residential area. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This study evaluated the relative association of socioeconomic, minority group and housing characteristics of census tracts with the racial composition of residential areas within one southwestern city between 1950 and 1980. The unit of analysis was the census tract; the data were taken from the U.S. Census of Population and Housing 1950-1980 for the Fort Worth, Texas SMSAs. The Index of Dissimilarity compared racial segregation in the Fort Worth urbanized area for blacks with all others (1950-1980) and for Spanish and non-black minorities with all others (1960-1980). The data show little change in the extent of residential segregation over 30 years. The multiple regression showed that the degree of segregation in census tracts became increasingly predictable based on past minority concentration in the same neighborhood. Lagged social status and minority group variables significantly predicted the percent of the population that was black or Spanish in census tracts ten years later. Beta weights for percent black or percent Spanish were always the strongest in each tract regression and largely determined the level of segregation that existed in tracts ten years later. This paper asserts that social status characteristics must approach more equal levels between minority and majority groups before integrated neighborhoods can reasonably be expected. Yet many of these variables are still highly associated with black and Spanish areas. Rising income and improved housing in black census tracts give some basis for believing that in time these variables will narrow sufficiently to give more choice in residential housing. Although Spanish tracts are only about 65% as segregated as black census tracts and although the association of the variables with Spanish residential areas are never as strong as with black census tracts, still, with increased Spanish immigration in recent years and the downward trend found in social status factors within areas of Spanish concentration, Spanish residential areas may face increasing risks of greater segregation. It is recommended that emphasis on educational attainment and occupational training be continued, possibly augmented with civic programs designed to facilitate movement away from dynamic clustering.

In the history of California, there have been few ballot measures of a more controversial nature presented to the electorate than the initiative constitutional amendment known as Proposition 14 which appeared on the 1964 General Election ballot. Proposition 14 was a propsed amendment to the Constitution of the State of California which would prohibit the state, its agencies, and local government from placing limitations on a person's right to refuse to sell or rent his residential property to another person.1 The controversy stirred up by Proposition 14 caused it to gain national attention. Its opponents made claim that Proposition 14 went beyond repeal of "fair housing" legislation. This could have been achieved through an initiative referendum. Instead, by constitutional amendment, the measure instituted the right to discriminate in selling or renting residential property. This was an open attack upon the civil rights of the minorities in California. Its proponents counter claimed that it was a measure ot restore to California property owners their right to sell or rent to whomever they choose. This right had been taken away from them by the Rumford Act. The constitutional amendment method was used to prevent a future legislature from enacting another "fair housing" law. Thus, civil rights became pitted against property rights in the ensuing arguments over Proposition 14. With the United States in the throes of a movement by the Negro race to achieve greater interplay in American life, it was to be expected, then, that considerable nationwide attention would fall upon this particular initiative amendment to California's Constitution. The controversy it raised carried beyond California's borders. It was watched throughout the country to see what would happen to it. This attention made Proposition 14 unlike its companion measures on the ballot. Because it differed in this manner from the other propositions, this thesis has recorded Proposition 14 and its ramifications, particularly the campaign which enveloped it. While the controversy over this constitutional amendment has not yet been stilled, one particular limitation has been placed upon this thesis. It does not pursue Proposition 14 beyond Election Daty, November 3, 1964. Basically, this thesis has employed an historical approach to the presentationof Proposition 14. It has not, however, taken theusual chronological listing of events used by most historical studies. Rather, it has examined nine general areas concerning Proposition 14 without particular regard to making and account of events in orde ot time. Each of the nine areas, instead, has been presented more to give tenor or character to certain phases of the measure than to chronicle events.

Thesis (LLD )--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation considers the housing rights of unlawful occupiers in the post-1994 constitutional dispensation. Section 26 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 affords everyone a right of access to adequate housing. This provision is a decisive break with the apartheid past, where forced eviction banished black people to the periphery of society. The central hypothesis of this dissertation is that the Constitution envisages the creation of a society that is committed to large-scale transformation. This dissertation posits that it is impossible to realise the full transformative potential of section 26 of the Constitution in the absence of an independent and substantive understanding of what it means to have access to adequate housing. This dissertation traverses legal theory as well as the common law of evictions, constitutional law and international law. A consciously interdisciplinary approach is adopted in seeking to develop the content of section 26 of the Constitution, drawing on literature from social and political science. This dissertation develops an organising framework for giving substantive content to section 26(1) of the Constitution with reference to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; the Revised European Social Charter, the American Convention on Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. This dissertation shows that the adjudication of eviction disputes has moved away from a position under the common law where Courts had no discretion to refuse eviction orders based on the personal circumstances of the squatters. The adjudication of the eviction of unlawful occupiers now requires a context-sensitive analysis that seeks to find concrete and case-specific solutions. These solutions are achieved by considering what would be just and equitable for both the land owner and the unlawful occupiers. This dissertation also shows that the government has a markedly different role to fulfil in post-apartheid evictions through the necessary joinder of local authorities to eviction proceedings, meaningful engagement with unlawful occupiers and the provision of alternative accommodation in terms of its constitutional and statutory obligations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die behuisingsregte van onregmatige okkupeerders in die post-1994 grondwetlike bedeling. Artikel 26 van die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 1996 gee elke persoon die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising. Hierdie bepaling is ‘n duidelike breuk met die apartheid-verlede waar gedwonge uitsettings swart mense na die periferie van die samelewing verban het. Die sentrale hipotese van hierdie proefskrif is dat die Grondwet beoog om ‘n samelewing te skep wat verbind is tot grootskaalse transformasie. Hierdie proefskrif voer aan dat dit onmoontlik is om die volle transformerende potensiaal van artikel 26 van die Grondwet te verwesenlik in die afwesigheid van ‘n onafhanklike en substantiewe begrip van wat dit beteken om toegang tot geskikte behuising te hê. Hierdie proefskrif deurkruis regsteorie sowel as die gemenereg ten aansien van uitsettings, staatsreg and internasionale reg. ‘n Doelbewuste interdisiplinêre benadering word gevolg in die soeke na die ontwikkeling van die inhoud van artikel 26 van die Grondwet met verwysing na literatuur uit die sosiale- en politieke wetenskappe. Die proefskrif ontwikkel ‘n organiserende raamwerk waarmee substantiewe inhoud aan artikel 26(1) van die Grondwet verleen kan word met verwysing na die Internasionale Verdrag op Ekonomiese, Sosiale en Kulturele Regte; die Konvensie vir die Beskerming van Menseregte en Fundamentele Vryhede; die Hersiene Europese Sosiale Handves; die Amerikaanse Konvensie op Menseregte en die Afrika Handves op Mense en Persoonsregte. Hierdie proefskrif wys dat die beregting van uitsettingsdispute wegbeweeg het van ’n posisie onder die gemenereg waar howe geen diskresie gehad het om uitsettingsbevele te weier op grond van die persoonlike omstandighede van die plakkers nie. Die beregting van uitsettingsdispute vereis nou ‘n konteks-sensitiewe analise wat strewe daarna om konkrete oplossings te vind. Hierdie oplossings word bereik deur in ag te neem wat reg en billik sal wees vir beide die eienaar en die onregmatige okkupeerders. Die proefskrif wys ook dat die regering ‘n merkbaar nuwe rol vervul in post-apartheid uitsettings deur die noodsaaklike voeging van munisipaliteite tot uitsettings, sinvolle interaksie met onregmatige okkupeerders en die voorsiening van alternatiewe akkommodasie in terme van grondwetlike and statutêre pligte.

Submitted for the degree of Master of Arts, History Department, University of the Witwatersrand / Andrew Chakane 2018

A política de Habitação de Interesse Social brasileira adota, desde a década de 60, modelo que produz grandes conjuntos habitacionais em áreas periféricas e usualmente segregadas. Ao passo que se assegura o atendimento habitacional, as famílias beneficiadas são privadas de acesso à cidade formal, às suas benesses e às suas oportunidades, escancarando a segregação socioespacial que caracteriza inúmeras grandes cidades brasileiras. Vislumbrando na formulação de políticas locais uma alternativa a este modelo, esta pesquisa propõe estratégias para viabilizar financeiramente a produção de Habitação Popular em áreas inseridas no contexto urbano, utilizando o município de Curitiba, capital do estado do Paraná e cidade mais populosa do sul do Brasil, como objeto de estudo. A hipótese básica da proposta é que, por meio do planejamento urbano e da adequação de parâmetros de uso de ocupação do solo, seria financeiramente viável exigir a comercialização de unidades de um empreendimento habitacional a preços inferiores aos praticados pelo mercado, as quais seriam ofertadas a famílias com rendimento entre três e nove salários mínimos. Inicialmente serão abordadas questões como a habitação social no Brasil, a segregação socioespacial e o direito à cidade. A seguir será desenvolvida a proposta com estratégias para viabilizar e fomentar a produção de habitação inclusiva na cidade de Curitiba. A viabilidade financeira desta hipótese foi testada por meio de simulações financeiras e se mostrou viável, sob a ótica do incorporador, para as duas poligonais selecionadas para a pesquisa. / The Brazilian housing policy adopted, since the early 60’s, a model that produces large housing complex in distant and segregated areas of the cities. While the popular housing offer is assured, low-income families are deprived from the benefits and opportunities of the city, bringing to light the social and spatial segregation that characterizes many Brazilian large cities. Considering that local housing policies may be the answer to change this model, this paper aims to propose strategies to assure financial feasibility to inclusionary housing at Curitiba city, capital of Parana State and the most populous city of south Brazil. The basic hypothesis of the proposal is that, through the adaptation of land use and occupation parameters, it would be feasible to demand from a real estate developer the supply of housing units at lower prices than those practiced by the market at urban complex inserted areas. The inclusionary housing units would be designated to families with incomes from three until nine “salários mínimos” At first the paper approaches the history of Brazilian housing policies, the social and spatial segregation of Brazilian cities and discusses about everyone’s right to access and benefit from the city. After that, strategies to make feasible and enhance the inclusionary housing production in Curitiba city will be developed. Financial simulations proved that the hypothesis was feasible at two demarcated areas from the developer’s perspective.

A política de Habitação de Interesse Social brasileira adota, desde a década de 60, modelo que produz grandes conjuntos habitacionais em áreas periféricas e usualmente segregadas. Ao passo que se assegura o atendimento habitacional, as famílias beneficiadas são privadas de acesso à cidade formal, às suas benesses e às suas oportunidades, escancarando a segregação socioespacial que caracteriza inúmeras grandes cidades brasileiras. Vislumbrando na formulação de políticas locais uma alternativa a este modelo, esta pesquisa propõe estratégias para viabilizar financeiramente a produção de Habitação Popular em áreas inseridas no contexto urbano, utilizando o município de Curitiba, capital do estado do Paraná e cidade mais populosa do sul do Brasil, como objeto de estudo. A hipótese básica da proposta é que, por meio do planejamento urbano e da adequação de parâmetros de uso de ocupação do solo, seria financeiramente viável exigir a comercialização de unidades de um empreendimento habitacional a preços inferiores aos praticados pelo mercado, as quais seriam ofertadas a famílias com rendimento entre três e nove salários mínimos. Inicialmente serão abordadas questões como a habitação social no Brasil, a segregação socioespacial e o direito à cidade. A seguir será desenvolvida a proposta com estratégias para viabilizar e fomentar a produção de habitação inclusiva na cidade de Curitiba. A viabilidade financeira desta hipótese foi testada por meio de simulações financeiras e se mostrou viável, sob a ótica do incorporador, para as duas poligonais selecionadas para a pesquisa. / The Brazilian housing policy adopted, since the early 60’s, a model that produces large housing complex in distant and segregated areas of the cities. While the popular housing offer is assured, low-income families are deprived from the benefits and opportunities of the city, bringing to light the social and spatial segregation that characterizes many Brazilian large cities. Considering that local housing policies may be the answer to change this model, this paper aims to propose strategies to assure financial feasibility to inclusionary housing at Curitiba city, capital of Parana State and the most populous city of south Brazil. The basic hypothesis of the proposal is that, through the adaptation of land use and occupation parameters, it would be feasible to demand from a real estate developer the supply of housing units at lower prices than those practiced by the market at urban complex inserted areas. The inclusionary housing units would be designated to families with incomes from three until nine “salários mínimos” At first the paper approaches the history of Brazilian housing policies, the social and spatial segregation of Brazilian cities and discusses about everyone’s right to access and benefit from the city. After that, strategies to make feasible and enhance the inclusionary housing production in Curitiba city will be developed. Financial simulations proved that the hypothesis was feasible at two demarcated areas from the developer’s perspective.

In South Africa, racial discrimination was witnessed through renowned segregationist acts including the Group Areas Act (No:41) of 1950, which forcibly displaced families from their homes and triggered significant social upheavals and the callous disintegration of long-established communities such as Sophiatown. The removals were a political strategy to relocate so-called “non-white” people from the inner city to townships such as Meadowlands explicitly chosen for their hazardous impure land known as mine dumps (Rodgers 1980:76). These displacements had a paradox of intergenerational homelessness triggered by instrumental racism that influenced politics of space and in effect, the disarticulation of the lives of black South Africans (Milgroom and Ribotc 2019:184). Therefore, it is important to undertake a study investigating the circumstances that gave rise to these forced removals, the subsequent breakdown of social order, a typical consequence of population relocation, which merits an examination of the contemporary implications and ramifications of disarticulation and highlights, in this regard, some significant shortcomings in post-Apartheid governance. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)