Problématique et cadre théorique: La problématique de cette recherche s'inscrit dans la problématique générale de la condition féminine et de la situation faite aux femmes au sein du marché du travail. Une des caractéristiques de cette situation est l'exclusion des femmes des structures de pouvoir. Il en va de même dans les secteurs où les femmes prédominent, comme l'enseignement au primaire, alors que les femmes sont sous-représentées à la direction des écoles primaires du Québec par rapport à leur représentation au sein du corps enseignant. La plupart des études révèlent que les enseignantes du primaire ne sont pas intéressées â poser leur candidature à un poste de direction. Pourquoi ce désintérêt? Est-ce là la seule raison de leur sous-représentation à la direction des écoles primaires du Québec? Ces questions sont â la base de notre recherche. Notre revue de littérature et notre cadre théorique nous ont permis d'établir que dans la structure actuelle du marché du travail, il existe une ségrégation des emplois fondée sur le sexe. Le système scolaire présente le même schéma, alors que l'enseignement au primaire est défini pour les femmes et la direction des écoles primaires, définie pour les hommes. C'est le processus de socialisation qui prépare les individus à acquérir les prédispositions et qualifications qui feront en sorte qu'ils occuperont les places et fonctions définies pour eux. La socialisation au rôle sexuel est une dimension importante de ce processus et cette socialisation se fait toujours selon le rôle féminin traditionnel de mère-épouse-ménagère. A partir de ces faits, notre hypothèse centrale suppose que les enseignantes du primaire qui posent leur candidature à un poste de direction sont plus susceptibles de rejeter leur rôle féminin traditionnel que celles qui ne la posent pas. Méthodologie: Notre approche est descriptive et empirique, car notre étude est surtout exploratoire. Nos deux variables cibles sont: l'intention de poser ou non sa candidature à un poste de direction et le rejet du rôle féminin traditionnel. Nous avons aussi identifié d'autres variables susceptibles d'entrer en jeu dans le phénomène qui nous préoccupe. Un questionnaire fut élaboré afin de mesurer ces variables qui furent mises en relation avec l'intention de poser ou non sa candidature à un poste de direction. La formule du chi-deux est utilisée pour vérifier si ces relations sont significatives. Ce questionnaire fut posté à 400 enseignantes du primaire du Québec choisies au hasard. Résultats et conlusions: Notre hypothèse centrale s'est vérifiée pour l'ensemble de notre échantillon, mais pas chez celles qui sont qualifiées pour devenir directrices d'école primaire, c'est-à-dire celles qui ont 16 ans et plus de scolarité. Ce dernier facteur nous semble le plus significatif, car il est relié à l'intention de poser sa candidature à un poste de direction. La scolarité est aussi reliée au rejet du rôle féminin traditionnel, celles qui ont 16 ans et plus de scolarité étant plus susceptibles de rejeter ce rôle. La socialisation joue donc un rôle important, mais elle n'est pas le seul facteur en jeu car la scolarisation vient en réduire la portée. La situation personnelle et familiale de l'enseignante ne joue pas un rôle important dans l'intention qu'elle exprime de poser ou non sa candidature à un poste de direction. Mais cette situation est intéressante dans la problématique générale de la condition féminine. Nos répondantes sont dans une situation de relative égalité économique et professionnelle par rapport à leur conjoint et la majorité d'entre elles viennent de milieux modestes. Ces résultats nous font dire que l'enseignement semble, pour ces femmes, un facteur important de promotion sociale et d'autonomie financière. Un dernier facteur significatif est la perception qu'ont les enseignantes du rôle du directeur ou de la directrice d'école primaire. Ce rôle est mal perçu par les enseignantes et semble peu adapté à la population féminine. Ces résultats nous font conclure que les recherches futures devraient questionner les structures actuelles. Même si la socialisation demeure un facteur important dans l'exlusion des femmes du pouvoir, l'éducation est à même d'aider les femmes à la remettre en question. Or, les femmes sont toujours absentes des structures de pouvoir, même lorsqu'elles sont qualifiées. Ce sont donc les structures actuelles et la définition des rôles, places et fonctions qu'il faut remettre en question. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014

Ce mémoire porte sur la représentation des femmes de New Delhi et leurs perceptions d’elles-mêmes, comme filles et femmes dans la société indienne. Plus spécifiquement, les femmes rencontrées nous parlent de l’image des femmes en Inde, leur position et leur rôle dans la famille, en tant que filles, épouses et mères tout en étudiant leurs relations avec les autres (femmes et hommes). Dans l’objectif d’éclairer le phénomène de la sexo-sélection de l’enfant à naître et la discrimination basée sur le sexe, les rapports de genre pouvant être affectés par les pratiques et coutumes ont été analysés. Plus particulièrement, le discours et les expériences vécues des répondantes nous ont permis d’illustrer que les femmes rencontrées sont agentes de changement et qu’elles ont du pouvoir d’agir sur leurs vies. / This thesis is about the representation of women in New Delhi and their perceptions of themselves, as women and girls in Indian society. More specifically, the women interviewed talk about the image of "woman" in India, their positions and their roles in the family, as daughters, as wives and as mothers, but also studying the relations with others (women and men). With the aim to illuminate the phenomenon of sexual selection of the unborn child and discrimination based on gender, gender relations that can be affected by the practices and customs were analyzed. Specifically, it is through their discourse and their experiences that have enabled us to illustrate that women are agents of change and have the power to act on their lives.

The aim of the thesis is to understand why European countries show a very different picture of female employment (in their fertile ages) which is not the case for men of the same age. We shed light on the various positions of countries in this framework of earner-carer models, in analysing policy designs, policy outcomes and policy determinants. That is, respectively, family policy indicators, employment of mothers and childless women, gender role attitudes and their interacting effect with policies and employment outcomes. We have used a wide range of primary or secondary quantitative and qualitative data to carry out our comparative analysis, mixing approaches, techniques and methods, from micro-econometric models to macro-level harmonised indicators, supplemented with a case study.<p>The dissertation is divided in three parts, each focusing on one question:<p>(i)\ / Doctorat en sciences de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis focuses on the industry wage differentials, rent-sharing and the gender wage gap. I empirically investigate: i) the interaction between inter-industry wage differentials and the gender wage gap in six European countries, ii) how rent sharing interacts with the gender wage gap in the Belgian private sector and iii) the existence of inter-industry wage differentials in Belgium, through the unobserved ability hypothesis.<p><p>The first chapter is devoted to the analysis of the interaction between inter-industry wage differentials and the gender wage gap in six European countries, i.e. Belgium, Denmark, Ireland, Italy, Spain, and the U.K. To do so, we have relied on a unique harmonised matched employer-employee data set, the 1995 European Structure of Earnings Survey. As far as we know, this paper is the first to analyse with recent techniques, on a comparable basis, and from a European perspective: i) inter-industry wage differentials by gender, ii) gender wage gaps by industry, and iii) the contribution of industry effects to the overall gender wage gap. It is also one of the few, besides Kahn (1998), to analyse for both sexes the relationship between collective bargaining characteristics and the dispersion of industry wage differentials. <p>Empirical findings show that, in all countries and for both sexes, wage differentials exist between workers employed in different sectors, even when controlling for working conditions, individual and firm characteristics. We also find that the hierarchy of sectors in terms of wages is quite similar for male and female workers and across countries. Yet, the apparent similarity between male and female industry wage differentials is challenged by standard statistical tests. Indeed, simple t-tests show that between 43 and 71% of the industry wage disparities are significantly different for women and men. Moreover, Chow tests indicate that sectoral wage differentials are significantly different as a group for both sexes in all countries. Regarding the dispersion of the industry wage differentials, we find that results vary for men and women, although not systematically nor substantially. Yet, the dispersion of industry wage differentials fluctuates considerably across countries. It is quite large in Ireland, Italy and the U.K. and relatively moderate in Belgium, Denmark and Spain. For both sexes, results point to the existence of a negative and significant relationship between the degree of centralisation of collective bargaining and the dispersion of industry wage differentials.<p>Furthermore, independently of the country considered, results show that more than 80% of the gender wage gaps within industries are statistically significant. The average industry gender wage gap ranges between -.18 in the U.K. and -.11 in Belgium. This means that on average women have an inter-industry wage differential of between 18 and 11% below that for men. Yet, correlation coefficients between the industry gender wage gaps across countries are relatively small and often statistically insignificant. This finding suggests that industries with the highest and the lowest gender wage gaps vary substantially across Europe.<p>Finally, results indicate that the overall gender wage gap, measured as the difference between the mean log wages of male and female workers, fluctuates between .18 in Denmark and .39 in the U.K. In all countries a significant (at the .01 level) part of this gap can be explained by the segregation of women in lower paying industries. Yet, the relative contribution of this factor to the gender wage gap varies substantially among European countries. It is close to zero in Belgium and Denmark, between 7 and 8% in Ireland, Spain and the U.K. and around 16% in Italy. Differences in industry wage premia for male and female workers significantly (at the .05 level) affect the gender wage gap in Denmark and Ireland only. In these countries, gender differences in industry wage differentials account for respectively 14 and 20% of the gender wage gap. To sum up, findings show that combined industry effects explain around 29% of the gender wage gap in Ireland, respectively 14 and 16% in Denmark and Italy, around 7% in the U.K. and almost nothing in Belgium and Spain. <p>In conclusion, our results emphasize that the magnitude of the gender wage gap as well as its causes vary substantially among the European countries. This suggests that no single policy instrument will be sufficient to tackle gender pay inequalities in Europe. Our findings indicate that policies need to be tailored to the very specific context of the labour market in each country.<p><p>The second chapter examines investigates how rent sharing interacts with the gender wage gap in the Belgian private sector. Empirical findings show that individual gross hourly wages are significantly and positively related to firm profits-per-employee even when controlling for group effects in the residuals, individual and firm characteristics, industry wage differentials and endogeneity of profits. Our instrumented wage-profit elasticity is of the magnitude 0.06 and it is not significantly different for men and women. Of the overall gender wage gap (on average women earn 23.7% less than men), results show that around 14% can be explained by the fact that on average women are employed in firms where profits-per-employee are lower. Thus, findings suggest that a substantial part of the gender wage gap is attributable to the segregation of women is less profitable firms. <p><p>The third and final chapter contributes to the understanding of inter-industry wage differentials in Belgium, taking advantage of access to a unique matched employer-employee data set covering the period 1995-2002. Findings show the existence of large and persistent wage differentials among workers with the same observed characteristics and working conditions, employed in different sectors. The unobserved ability hypothesis may not be rejected on the basis of Martins’ (2004) methodology. However, its contribution to the observed industry wage differentials appears to be limited. Further results show that ceteris paribus workers earn significantly higher wages when employed in more profitable firms. The instrumented wage-profit elasticity stands at 0.063. This rent-sharing phenomenon accounts for a large fraction of the industry wage differentials. We find indeed that the magnitude, dispersion and significance of industry wage differentials decreases sharply when controlling for profits.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

In the first chapter of this thesis, we investigate the impact of human capital and wage structure on the gender pay in a panel of European countries using a newly available and appropriate database for cross-country comparisons and a comparable methodology for each country. <p><p>Our first question is :What role do certain individual characteristics and choices of working men and women play in shaping the cross-country differences in the gender pay gap? What is the exact size of the gender pay gap using the “more appropriate” database available for our purpose? Giving that there are mainly only two harmonized data-sets for comparing gender pay gap throughout Europe: the European Community Household Panel (ECHP) and the European Structure of Earning Survey (ESES). Each database having its shortages: the main weakness of the ECHP is the lack of perfect reliability of the data in general and of wages in particular. However the main advantage of this database is the panel-data dimension and the information on both households and individuals. The data of the ESES is, on the contrary, of a very high standard but it only covers the private sector and has a cross-sectional dimension. Furthermore only few countries are currently available :Denmark, Belgium, Spain, Ireland and Italy. <p>We use the European Structure of Earning Survey (ESES) to analyse international differences in gender pay gaps in the private sector based on a sample of five European economies: Belgium, Denmark, Ireland, Italy and Spain. Using different methods, we examine how wage structures, differences in the distribution of measured characteristics and occupational segregation contribute to and explain the pattern of international differences. Furthermore, we take account of the fact that indirect discrimination may influence female occupational distributions. We find these latter factors to have a significant impact on gender wage differentials. However, the magnitude of their effect varies across countries.<p><p>In the second chapter, we analyse the persistence of the gender pay differentials over time in Europe and better test the productivity hypothesis by taking into account unobserved heterogeneity. <p><p>Our second question is :What is the evolution of the pay differential between men and women over a period of time in Europe? And what is the impact of unobserved heterogeneity? <p>The researcher here provides evidence on the effects of unobserved individual heterogeneity on estimated gender pay differentials. Using the European Community Household Panel (ECHP), we present a cross-country comparison of the evolution of unadjusted and adjusted gender pay gaps using both cross-section and panel-data estimation techniques. The analysed countries differ greatly with respect to labour market legislation, bargaining practices structure of earnings and female employment rates. On adjusting for unobserved heterogeneity, we find a narrowed male-female pay differential, as well as significantly different rates of return on individual characteristics. In particularly, the adjusted wage differential decreases by 7 per cent in Belgium, 14 per cent in Ireland, between 20-30 per cent Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain and of 41 per cent and 54 per cent in the UK and in Denmark respectively. <p><p>In the third chapter, we investigate causes of the gender pay gap beyond the gender differences in observed and unobserved productive characteristics or simply the sex. Explanations of the gender pay gap may be the penalty women face for having children. Obviously, the motherhood wage penalty is relevant to larger issues of gender inequality given that most women are mothers and that childrearing remains a women’s affair. Thus, any penalty associated with motherhood but not with fatherhood affects many women and as such contributes to gender inequalities as the gender pay gap. Furthermore, the motherhood wage effect may be different along the wage distribution as women with different earnings may not be equal in recognising opportunities to reconcile their mother’s and earner’s role. This brings us to our third question. <p><p>Our third question is :What is the wage effect for mothers of young children in the household? And does it vary along the wage distribution of women?<p>This chapter provides more insight into the effect of the presence of young children on women’s wages. We use individual data from the ECHP (1996-2001) and both a generalised linear model (GLM) and quantile regression (QR) techniques to estimate the wage penalty/bonus associated with the presence of children under the age of sixteen for mothers in ten EU Member States. We also correct for potential selection bias using the Heckman (1979) correction term in the GLM (at the mean) and a selectivity correction term in the quantile regressions. To distinguish between mothers according to their age at the time of their first birth, wage estimations are carried out, separately, for mothers who had their first child before the age of 25 (‘young mothers’) and mothers who had their first child after the age of 25 (‘old mothers’). Our results suggest that on average young mothers earn less than non-mothers while old mothers obtain a gross wage bonus in all countries. These wage differentials are mainly due to differences in human capital, occupational segregation and, to a lesser extent, sectoral segregation between mothers and non-mothers. This overall impact of labour market segregation, suggests a “crowding” explanation of the family pay gap – pay differential between mothers and non-mothers. Nevertheless, the fact that we still find significant family pay gaps in some countries after we control for all variables of our model suggests that we cannot reject the “taste-based” explanation of the family gap in these countries. Our analysis of the impact of family policies on the family pay gap across countries has shown that parental leave and childcare policies tend to decrease the pay differential between non-mothers and mothers. Cash and tax benefits, on the contrary, tend to widen this pay differential. Sample selection also affects the level of the mother pay gap at the mean and throughout the wage distribution in most countries. Furthermore, we find that in most countries inter-quantile differences in pay between mothers and non-mothers are mainly due to differences in human-capital. Differences in their occupational and sectoral segregation further shape these wage differentials along the wage distribution in the UK, Germany and Portugal in our sample of young mothers and in Spain in the sample of old mothers.<p><p>In the fourth chapter, we analyse the combined effect of motherhood and the family status on women’s wage.<p> <p>Our fourth question is :Is there a lone motherhood pay gap in Europe? And does it vary along the wage distribution of mothers?<p>Substantial research has been devoted to the analysis of poverty and income gaps between households of different types. The effects of family status on wages have been studied to a lesser extent. In this chapter, we present a selectivity corrected quantile regression model for the lone motherhood pay gap – the differential in hourly wage between lone mothers and those with partners. We used harmonized data from the European Community Household Panel and present results for a panel of European countries. We found evidence of lone motherhood penalties and bonuses. In our analysis, most countries presented higher wage disparities at the top of the wage distribution rather than at the bottom or at the mean. Our results suggest that cross-country differences in the lone motherhood pay gap are mainly due to differences in observed and unobserved characteristics between partnered mothers and lone mothers, differences in sample selection and presence of young children in the household. We also investigated other explanations for these differences such as the availability and level of childcare arrangements, the provision of gender-balanced leave and the level of child benefits and tax incentives. As expected, we have found significant positive relationship between the pay gap between lone and partnered mothers and the childcare, take-up and cash and tax benefits policies. Therefore improving these family policies would reduce the raw pay gap observed. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Malgré leurs bonnes intentions, les groupes progressistes reproduisent des inégalités sociales dans leur structure interne. Même dans les groupes qui ont intégré des pratiques (pro)féministes à leur fonctionnement, on observe une inégalité parfois flagrante dans les prises de parole des hommes et des femmes et en fonction d’autres facteurs socioéconomiques. L’Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante (ASSÉ) utilise plusieurs mesures visant à rééquilibrer le partage de la parole, notamment l’alternance homme-femme, la garde du senti, les caucus non mixtes et les instances non mixtes. J’ai réalisé douze entretiens semi-directifs avec des personnes ayant milité à l’ASSÉ afin de mieux comprendre comment elles jugent la pertinence et l’efficacité de ces pratiques. Si toutes estiment qu’elles facilitent la prise de parole des femmes sur le plan individuel, hommes et femmes ont toutefois des opinions divergentes par rapport à leur potentiel transformateur et émancipateur. Les hommes tendent à souligner les effets de resocialisation ou de contre-socialisation de ces mesures alors que les femmes abordent davantage leurs limites. Elles estiment que les mesures utilisées à l’ASSÉ ne suffisent pas à remettre en question la division genrée du travail militant qui y prévaut. À partir des données recueillies, il est possible d’affirmer que les coûts et les bénéfices liés à ces pratiques sont différenciés selon le genre. Bien qu’elles soient conçues pour favoriser la prise de parole des femmes, elles offrent des bénéfices symboliques et matériels aux hommes. Les femmes, responsables du travail de justification de ces pratiques, de leur application et, plus largement, des revendications et analyses féministes dans l’organisation, déplorent que ce travail invisibilisé et sous-valorisé les empêche de se concentrer sur des tâches « politiques ». J’explore le potentiel des pratiques encadrant le partage de la parole pour éclairer la nature politique du travail d’écoute, de care et d’organisation accompli par les femmes, à l’ASSÉ et ailleurs. / Despite their best intentions, progressive groups contribute to the reproduction of social inequalities within their internal structure. Even in groups using pro-feminist practices intended to manage how speech is shared among participants, there sometimes are blatant inequalities in the voices being heard – or not – depending on gender and other socioeconomic factors. ASSÉ (Association for Solidarity among Student Unions) implements a number of measures to rebalance how speech and power are being shared, including alternating speaking rights between men and women, using a “moodwatcher” during meetings, allowing for non-mixed caucuses, and holding Women’s congresses. I have conducted twelve semi-structured interviews with people who are or have been involved in ASSÉ to better understand how they judge the relevance and effectiveness of these practices. While all of them believe that these measures help amplify women’s voices on an individual level, men and women have different opinions about the transformative and emancipatory potential of these practices. Men tend to highlight these measures’ re-socialization or counter-socialization effects, while women are more likely to point out their limitations. They argue that these measures fail question the gendered division of activist labor that prevails in ASSÉ. Furthermore, the interview data suggest that the costs and benefits associated with these practices are gender differentiated. Although they are designed to promote women's voices, they tend to symbolically and materially benefit to men. Meanwhile, women are responsible for the labor involved in justifying and applying these practices, and, more broadly, for providing feminist analyses within the organization. Women participants lament the fact that this invisible and undervalued work prevents them from concentrating on "political" tasks. I sketch the potential of (pro)feminist speech-sharing practices to demonstrate how conversation is indeed "political" and to hightlight the political nature of the gendered labor of listening, caring and organizing.