Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There are vanous definitions of the concept humour, each depending on the perception thereof. Such perceptions are influenced by shared experiences, culture, milieu and individual creativity. Pictorial humour is divided into various sub genres such as the caricature, cartoon and comic strip. Each one of these sub genres portrays an individual process of development, both locally and globally. The work of TO Honiball forms part of this tradition. His artistic personality and sense of humour is unmistakably portrayed in his creative work. Honiball became famous as a political cartoonist and played an important role in the rise of the National Party, seeing that his association with the Nasionale Pers provided him with a forum as opinion-former. It is said that his comic strips Oom Kaspaas, Jakkals en Wolf and Adoons-hulle influenced different age groups and even people who were not Afrikaners. It was however mainly Afrikaans-speaking people who strongly identified with these strips due to the strong Afrikaans character thereof. Various instances own Honniballiana, where it is being preserved and is available for research purposes. A number of marketing initiatives were launched to promote the work of Honiball, mainly by TO Honiball-Promosies. Despite the fact that much of his work is dated, new interest is generated by utilising his work in educational programmes. Honiball's body of work is a source for culture-historical research seeing that it offers references to the tangible and intangible culture of Afrikaans-speaking South Africans during his lifetime. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Etlike definisies bestaan van die begrip humor, afhangend van die persepsie daarvan. Sodanige persepsies word beïnvloed deur onder andere gedeelde ondervindings, kultuur, milieu en individuele kreatiwiteit. Pikturale humor word onderverdeel in verskillende sub-genres, soos die karikatuur, spotprent en strokie. Hierdie sub-genres toon elk 'n afsonderlike ontwikkelingsgang, plaaslik en globaal. Die werk van TO Honiball vorm deel van dié tradisie. Sy kunstenaarspersoonlikheid en humorsin word eweneens onmiskenbaar verbeeld in sy skeppings. Honiball het bekendheid verwerf as politieke spotprenttekenaar en het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die opgang van die Nasionale Party, omdat sy verbintenis met die Nasionale Pers aan hom 'n forum gebied het om as meningsvormer op te tree. Daar word beweer dat sy strokiesreekse Oom Kaspaas, Jakkals en Wolf en Adoons-hulle verskillende ouderdomsgroepe en selfs mense van ander volksgroepe as die Afrikaner bereik het. As gevolg van die eg- Afrikaansheid daarvan het egter hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekendes sterk aanklank daarby gevind. Verskillende instansies is in besit van Honiballiana, waar dit bewaar word en beskikbaar is vir navorsingsdoeleindes. 'n Aantal bemarkingsinisiatiewe is geloods om Honiball se werk te promoveer, hoofsaaklik deur TO Honiball-Promosies. Ten spyte van die feit dat talle voorbeelde van sy werk gedateer is, word nuwe belangstelling gegenereer deur middel van die aanwending van sy werk in opvoedkundige programme. Honiball se oeuvre bied bronne vir kultuurhistoriese navorsing aangesien dit verwysings bied na die geestelike en stoflike kultuur van Afrikaanssprekendes gedurende sy leeftyd.

Thesis (DPhil) -- Stellenbosch University, 1936. / VOORWOORD: Verskillende skrywers het verskillende interpretasies gegee van wat die eintlike onderwerp van die Geskiedenis van die Onderwys uitmaak. So is nog tot onlangs die beskouing gehuldig dat dit die geskiedenis van groot opvoedkundiges, hulle lewe en werke, moet weergee. Met dit as uitgangspunt is egter nie 'n goeie insig in sake te verkry nie en is die voorstelling noodwendig eensydig. Vir die opvatting dat dit 'n geskiedenis van pedagogiese stelsels is, is miskien meer te se. As hierdie stelsels egter op hulself bly staan en hulle samehang met allerhande ander faktore, met filosofie en godsdiens, met die hele strewe en lewe van die mensheid of ten minste van 'n groot groep van mense, nie gesien word nie, bring dit egter ook nie perspektief nie. Die Geskiedenis van die Onderwys moet dus meer gesien word as 'n uiteensetting van pedagogiese denke en doen as 'n deel van 'n groot organiese geheel: die algemene kultuurgeskiedenis van die mensheid.

Thesis (DPhil. (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 1992. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The erection of buildings in Paarl during the period between the two world wars was influenced by several important socio-economical and cultural circumstances. These events changed the built-up environment of Paarl dramatically. This period can be seen as a change from a traditionial to a modern way of living and this phenomena is clearly imposed on the buildings erected during this period. Some of the important happenings that changed the lives of all Paarlites in those years and influenced their building works, was the influenza epidemic of 1918, the worldwide depression of 1929 which lasted until 1932, the peak and the pining of the wagonbuilding industry, the introduction of the motor car, electricity, motion pictures and technological development in general. This technological progress, especially the introduction of the motor car, brought about the erection of new types of buildings like service stations, show rooms and private garages for these vehicles all over Paarl. Roads were tarred and improved and electrical street lighting was introduced. On 29 November 1924 all the documents and building plans housed in the then existing town hall were destroyed by fire. Further developments that influenced living in Paarl was the establishment of the KWV in 1918, SASKO in 1935, the erection of a new hospital, town hall, post office, schools and the establishment of several other fruit and wine related industries. The granite industry flourished during this period. For the first time Paarl had its own local architects, draughtsmen and builders. Several important architects from Cape Town and elsewhere executed buildings in the town. According to existing records at the Paarl Municipality no less than 34 different architects or partnerships, draughtsmen and builders were responsible for the execution of building plans handed in at the Municipality between 1926 and 1939. Before the period in question Paarl streets were never formally laid out and for the first time large townships were planned from scratch. A wide spectrum of structures ranging from alterations to existing buildings, verandahs, garages, swimming pools, shops, offices, schools, churches and public buildings were erected in Paarl during this period. / Raad vir Geesteswetenskaplike Navorsing

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the First World War (1914-1918) – the first “total war” in modern history, where whole populations, not just military forces, became participants in the war effort, the potential power of propaganda was realised, through the exploitation of mass communication media to manipulate public opinion. Alongside politico-diplomatic, economic and military manoeuvres, governments needed to mobilise the minds of their population to secure support, to mobilise them behind the war policy and to avoid discontent and dissension. This was particularly crucial to South Africa during the Second World War (1939-1945), especially as the country was threatened by deeply ingrained political tensions and internal divisions. The wartime Union, under General Jan Smuts, experienced an escalation of political extremism and militancy from radical sections of white Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the government’s war policy. Furthermore, some elements within even the Union Defence Force (UDF) displayed disloyal tendencies which threatened the morale of the armed forces. Thus, in response, the government waged a massive propaganda campaign during the war aimed at stimulating recruitment, at preserving national morale, at combating anti-war resistance and at minimising disruptions to the implementation of its war policy. To this end, the authorities exploited information avenues such as radio broadcasts, the press, films, mobile recruiting tours and military demonstrations for publicity and propaganda purposes. As propaganda delivery channels, radio, the press and films were potentially powerful. However, the strategy pursued by the authorities failed to maximise their full impact. The government also did not enjoy a media monopoly for the conduct of its war propaganda. The SABC continued operating independently and its airtime was not handed over to the authorities. Similarly, while the government relied on the support of sympathetic newspaper editors for its propaganda campaign, newspapers themselves sometimes ignored censorship regulations and published material which was unhelpful to the national war effort. Meanwhile, the opposition press also contested the propaganda terrain by waging anti-war campaigns. Films were the weakest link due to limited government control, production obstacles and an English language dominance which alienated the majority of white Afrikaans speakers. Another problem was persistent rivalry among various official and semiofficial propaganda agencies and a lack of clarity over a common propaganda policy. When it came to recruitment, government propaganda achieved particularly limited success. Despite patriotic appeals for volunteer enlistment, the shortage of manpower remained a persistent problem throughout the war. Alongside this, social and economic problems such as food and housing shortages also had a negative impact on public morale. The positive reach of propaganda efforts within the military, especially education, information and social welfare services, was also limited in that they were unable to dispel dissatisfaction resulting from poor service conditions, military policies, and the growing influence of war weariness. Towards the end of hostilities, there was a perceptible decline in troop discipline and morale. In general, therefore, the Union government’s overall war publicity and propaganda effort failed to produce a solid sense of national war cohesion or war unity. Although the country remained stable and was able to sustain war participation, it could not be said that South Africa’s leadership was able to persuade inhabitants – whether white or black - to participate in the Second World War as a war to be embraced as a people’s war. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918), die eerste “totale oorlog” in kontemporêre geskiedenis waartydens nie net militêre magte nie, maar hele gemeenskappe by die oorlogspoging betrek is, het die potensiaal van propaganda om die openbare mening met behulp van die massamedia te manipuleer, tuisgebring. Naas polities-diplomatiese, ekonomiese en militêre maneuvrering, moes regerings ook die gesindheid van die bevolking beïnvloed om hulle agter die oorlogspoging te skaar en twis en tweedrag te vermy. Gesindheidsbeïnvloeding was vir die Unieregering van kardinale belang gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-1945), aangesien Suid-Afrika onder diepgaande politieke verdeeldheid en interne spanning oor die oorlogskwessie gebuk gegaan het. Die Smuts-bewind het hewige politieke druk en militante weerstand ervaar van Afrikanernasionaliste wat teen die regering se oorlogsbeleid gekant was. Ontevrede elemente in die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) het insgelyks dislojale neigings openbaar, wat die moraal van die gewapende magte ondermyn het. Die regering het gevolglik gedurende die oorlog ’n omvattende propagandaveldtog van stapel gestuur om weerstand teen sy oorlogspoging te beveg, ontwrigting in die implementering van die oorlogsbeleid tot ’n minimum te beperk, die werwing van soldate te bevorder en die nasionale moraal hoog te hou. Die Smuts-regering het ’n verskeidenheid van instrumente, waaronder radio-uitsendings, die gedrukte media, rolprente, mobiele werwingsveldtogte en miltêre demonstrasies, vir hul reklame- en propagandaveldtogte ingespan. Die regering se propagandastrategieë het egter nie dié kragtige instrumente optimaal uitgebuit om maksimum trefkrag te verseker nie. Daarby het die regering ook nie ’n monopolie oor alle mediaplatvorms vir geniet om hul propagandaveldtogte te bedryf nie. Die SAUK het onafhanklik gefunksioneer en min lugtyd aan die regering afgestaan om radio-uitsendings vir publisiteit en propagande te benut. Die regering het voorts sterk op koerantredakteurs gesteun om hul propagandaveldtog te bevorder, maar redakteurs het soms sensuurregulasies geïgnoreer en artikels geplaas wat regeringsbeleid ondermyn het. Die opposisiepers het uiteraard ook die regeringspropaganda met anti-oorlogpropaganda beveg. Rolprente was die swakste skakel in die regering se reklame- en propagandastelsels vanweë hul swak beheer daaroor, ’n gebrek aan tegniese vaardigheid, die hoë koste van rolprentproduksies, asook die oorheersing van die bedryf deur die Engelse taal, wat die meerderheid Afrikaanssprekendes die harnas ingejaag het. ’n Verdere probleem was die voortdurende wedywering tussen die verskillende amptelike en halfamptelike propaganda-agentskappe. Dit was veral die gebrek aan ’n duidelike propaganda-beleid wat tot oorvleueling en mededinging gelei het. Wat werwingspropaganda betref, het die regering beperkte sukses behaal. Naas ’n beroep op pligsbesef, eer en glorie, het die regering oor geen hefkrag beskik om werwing te bevorder nie. ’n Gebrek aan mannekrag het derhalwe die UVM dwarsdeur die oorlog gekortwiek in weerwil van die regering se omvattende reklame- en propagandaprogramme. Teen 1945 het slegs sowat 330 000 uit die Unie se bevolking van nagenoeg tien miljoen vir vrywillige krygsdiens aangemeld. Sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings soos ’n gebrek aan voedselvoorrade en behuising het ook negatief op die openbare en burgerlike moraal ingewerk. Interne propaganda in die UVM, veral deur middel van die opvoedings-, informasie- en welsynsdienste, het ook beperkte sukses behaal as gevolg van ontevredenheid met militêre beleid, swak diensvoorwaardes en oorlogsmoegheid. Dié ontevredenheid het moraal en dissipline ondermyn en teen die einde van die oorlog tot uitdagende gedrag en oproer onder die troepe gelei. Oor die algemeen genome, was die Unie-regering se totale reklame- en propagandapoging dus oneffektief. Alhoewel die hele die stelsel nie in duie gestort het nie en Unie se oorlogspoging sonder groot ontwrigting voortgegaan het, het oorlogsmoegheid, oneffektiewe beleide en die invloed van sosio-ekonomiese probleme uiteindelik tot openbare en militêre ontnugtering gelei.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / This thesis provides a critical and historical analysis of industrial ethnicity in African Harare between the 1890s and 1980. It examines the origins, dynamics and ambiguities of industrial ethnicity in urban colonial Harare (then Salisbury) and its attendant implications for socio-economic wellbeing and inter-group relations. It locates industrial ethnicity within broader questions of inequality and social difference, especially issues like affordability, materiality and power. The thesis pays particular attention to individuals and groups’ differential access to the ‘raw materials’ used in imagining and constructing forms of identification. The thesis is empirically grounded in a specific case study of industrial ethnicity among disparate African groups in urban colonial Zimbabwe, and in the context formed by factors that fomented ethnic enclaves in African Harare’s competitive labour markets during particular historical epochs. Such complex currents remain under-represented in current Zimbabwean historical literature. This is despite the salience and resonance of industrial ethnicity, as well as its multi-layered and ambiguous implications for inter-group relations, and its potential to create differential access to life chances for individuals and groups. The thesis contends that in crisis situations, people tend to identify with their ‘type’ and to use ethnic, kinship and other social ties in their scramble for socio-economic and political resources. This usually involves definitions and re-definitions of ‘selves’ and ‘others’; ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’; contestations and negotiations over identification; and how these varied identities are ‘materialised’. The ways in which migrant workers positioned themselves in the labour market depended on ensuing socio-economic inequalities and the use of social networks, which were indispensable conduits for the transmission of job information and local intelligence. The prevalence of ethnic enclaves and widespread ethnic clusters in colonial Harare’s labour market is explained in terms of a complex synergy of factors, including behavioural, historical, institutional and structural elements. Equally, industrial ethnicity, which had pre-colonial precedents, remained contested, fluid, and ambiguous, and was one among a range of forms of identification available to Salisbury’s African migrant workers. The thesis further situates African ethnicity in its political context by examining its ambivalent interaction with nationalist politics, gender and ‘othering’ work. It contends that African nationalism’s inherent underlying contradictions and tensions, and the subsequent dual categorisation of citizens into ‘patriots’ and ‘sell-outs’ set the stage for hegemonic (and counter-hegemonic) politics, ethnic competition and the politics of marginalisation in postcolonial Zimbabwe.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: History is often manipulated to achieve contemporary goals. Writing or narrating history is not merely a recoding or a narration of objective facts, but a value-laden process often conforming to the goals of the writer or narrator. This study examines the ways in which the history of the Mabudu chiefdom has been manipulated to achieve political goals. Through an analysis of the history of the Mabudu chiefdom and the manner in which that history has been represented, this study illustrates that history is not merely a collection of verifiable facts, but rather a collection of stories open to interpretation and manipulation. In the middle of the eighteenth century the Mabudu or Mabudu-Tembe was the strongest political and economic unit in south-east Africa. Their authority only declined with state formation amongst the Swazi and Zulu in the early nineteenth century. Although the Zulu never defeated the Mabudu, the Mabudu were forced to pay tribute to the Zulu. In the 1980s the Prime Minister of KwaZulu, Mangusotho Buthelezi, used this fact as proof that the people of Maputaland (Mabudu-land) should be part of the Zulu nation-state. By the latter part of the nineteenth century Britain, Portugal and the South African Republic laid claim to Maputaland. In 1875 the French President arbitrated in the matter and drew a line along the current South Africa/ Mozambique border that would divide the British and French spheres of influence in south-east Africa. The line cut straight through the Mabudu chiefdom. In 1897 Britain formally annexed what was then called AmaThongaland as an area independent of Zululand, which was administered as ‘trust land’ for the Mabudu people. When deciding on a place for the Mabudu in its Grand Apartheid scheme, the South African Government ignored the fact that the Mabudu were never defeated by the Zulu or incorporated into the Zulu Empire. Until the late 1960s the government recognised the people of Maputaland as ethnically Tsonga, but in 1976 Maputaland was incorporated into the KwaZulu Homeland and the people classified as Zulu. In 1982 the issue was raised again when the South African Government planned to cede Maputaland to Swaziland. The government and some independent institutions launched research into the historic and ethnic ties of the people of Maputaland. Based on the same historical facts, contrasting claims were made about the historical and ethnic ties of the people of Maputaland. Maputaland remained part of KwaZulu and is still claimed by the Zulu king as part of his kingdom. The Zulu use the fact that the Mabudu paid tribute in the 1800s as evidence of their dominance. The Mabudu, on the other hand, use the same argument to prove their independence, only stating that tribute never meant subordination, but only the installation of friendly relations. This is a perfect example of how the same facts can be interpreted differently to achieve different goals and illustrates that history cannot be equated with objective fact.

Thesis (MA)-- University Stellenbosch, 1993. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Johann Theophilus Hahn, seun van die Rynse sendeling, J. -Samuel Hahn, is gebore op die sendingstasie Ebenhaeser (Lutzville) op 24 Desember 1842. As 'n seun op die sendingstasies Ebenaeser en Bethanien en Berseba in Suidwes-Afrika (Namibie), het hy geleer om die verskillende Khoisandialekte te praat. Ter wille van sy kinders se akademiese opleiding het Samuel Hahn in 1852 na Duitsland teruggekeer. Daar het Theophilus hornas uitstaande student bewys en in 1870 het hy sy doktorsgraad verwerf met die proefskrif Die - Sprache der Nama; nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Sprachproben aus dem Munde des Volkes. Terwyl hy aan die universiteit van Halle studeer het, het hy 'n aantal etnologiese artikels oor die inheemse volkere van Suidwes-Afrika (Namibie) geskryf. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika in 1871, het hy 'n handelaar in Suidwes-Afrika geword. Na sy huwelik in 1875 met Marianne Esther de La Roche Smuts het hy in Rehoboth gaan bly en aldaar 'n handelsaak begin. Hahn het Suidwes-Afrika in 1878 verlaat, nadat dit duidelik geword het dat die Kaapse regering se entoesiasme vir optrede noord van die Oranjerivier afgeneem het, as gevolg van sy militere probleme op die oosgrens, in Griekwaland-Wes en Basoetoland. Hy het daarna by sy broer Johannes, wat Rynse sendeling op Stellenbosch was, gaan woon. Aldaar het hy die eerste landkaart van Suidwes-Afrika, Original map of Namaqualand and Damaraland, voltooi. In 1881 is hy as regeringsfiloloog en bewaarder van die Grey-versameling in die Suid-Afrikaanse Openbare Biblioteek (Suid-Afrikaanse Biblioteek) aangestel. Sy aanstelling het veroorsaak dat die Hooggeregshof deur die Grey-trustees versoek is om die versameling aan hulle oor te dra en om Hahn te verbied om met die Grey-versameling in te meng. Die applikasie is deur die Hooggeregshof van die hand gewys. Terwyl hy vir die Kaapse regering gewerk het, het hy aan die Cape Native Laws and Customs Commission inligting omtrent die Nama- en Herero-kultuur verskaf. Hierdie kommissie was deur die Kaapse regering aangestel om inligting aangaande die wette en gewoontes van die inheemse volkere in te win en om verslag te doen aangaande die wesenlikheid van die instelling van 'n soort stelsel van plaaslike selfregering in die swart gebiede. Vanaf sy plaas Prospect Hill het Hahn 'n brief geskryf aan die agent van Adolf Llideritz,Heinrich Vogelsang, waarin hy waardevolle inligting oor die moontlikhede van Suidwes-Afrika gemeld het en het aan die hand gegee dat LlideritzAngra Pequena (Llideritzbaai)vir handeldoeleindes moes bekom. In 1883 het hy as regeringsfiloloog en Grey-bibliotekaris bedank en het toe die plaasbestuurder van Welmoed, in die distrik van Stellenbosch, geword. As wynboer het hy voorgestel dat n kooperasie vir die produsering van wyn gestig word, asook spoediger optrede met die bestryding van die fillokseraplaag. Met Hahn se hulp het die Kharaskhoma Exploring and Prospecting Syndicate, 'n maatskappy wat in Londen gebaseer was, in 1890 belangrike konsessies van die Bondelswart- en Velskoendraerkapteins in Suidwes-Afrika bekom. Dit was 'n monopolie vir die eksploitering van minerale, regte om handel te dryf en om spoorwee aan te le~ Na die regte van hierdie sindikaat aan die South African Territories Company .oorgedra is, het Hahn weer Suidwes-Afrika verlaat en die plaas Blaauwklip (Blaauwklippen) by Stellenbosch gekoop. Sy pogings om te boer het misluk en die plaas is na sy bankrotskap aan Cecil John Rhodes verkoop. Daarna het hy agent vir Equitable Life Assurance Society in Johannesburg geword. Terwyl hy by Markstraat 206, Johannesburg gewoon het, het hy onsuksesvol aansoek gedoen om as spioen vir die Britse Militere Regering op te tree. Hy het op 22 Januarie 1905 gesterf en is in die Braamfonteinse begraafplaas begrawe. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Johann Theophilus Hahn, son of the Rhenish missionary J. Samuel Hahn, was born at the mission station Ebenaeser (Lutzville) on 24 December 1842. As a boy at the mission stations Ebenaeser and Berseba and Bethanien in South West Africa (Namibia) he learned to speak the different Khoisan dialects. Samuel Hahn left for Germany in 1852, for the sake of his children~s academic training. There Theophilus proved himself as an outstanding student and he obtained his doctorate in 1870 on the dissertation Die Sprache der Nama; nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Sprachproben aus dem Munde des Volkes. While studying at the University of Halle he published a number of ethnological studies relating to the aborigines of South West Africa (Namibia). On his return to South Africa, he became a trader in South West Africa. After his marriage in 1875 to Marianne Esther de La Roche Smuts he settled at Rehoboth, where he started a trading business. Hahn left South West Africa in 1878, after it became clear that the Cape Government's enthusiasm for action north of the Orange River waned, as a result of its own military burdens on the eastern border, in Griqualand West and Basutoland. He went to live with his brother Johannes, a Rhenish missionary at Stellenbosch, where he completed the first map of South West Africa - Original map of Namagualand and Damaraland. In 1881 he was appointed as government philologist and custodian of the Grey Collection in the South African Public Library. His appointment as Grey custodian gave rise to an application to the Supreme Court to have the care and custody of the Grey Collection given up to the Grey Trustees and for an interdict to restrain Hahn from interfering with the Grey Collection. This application by the Grey Trustees was refused by the Supreme Court. In 1883 he provided the Cape Native Laws and Customs Commission information regarding the Nama and Herero cultures. This commission was directed by the Cape Government to enquire into the laws and customs of the Blacks and to report on the advisability of introducing some system of local self-government in the Black territories. While living at his farm Prospect Hill, he wrote a letter to the agent of Adolf Llideritz,Heinrich Vogelsang, in which he supplied valuable information about the prospects of South West Africa and suggested that Llideritzacquire Angra Pequena (LlideritzBay) as a harbour for trading purposes. He resigned as philologist and Grey Librarian in 1883 and became the manager of the farm Welmoed, in the district of Stellenbosch. As a wine-farmer he proposed the establishing of a co-operative for the production of wine, also prompt action for combating the phylloxera disease. With the assistance of Hahn the mining company Kharaskhoma Exploring and Prospecting Syndicate, a company based in London, obtained in 1890 important concessions from the chiefs of Bondelswart and Veldskoendraers - a monopoly for the exploitation of minerals, rights to trade and to contruct railways. After the syndicate transfered its rights to the South African Territories Company, he left South West Africa and bought th farm Blaauwklip (Blaauwklippen) at Stellenbosch. His farming attempts proved a disaster and his farm was sold to Cecil John Rhodes. He became an agent for the Equitable Life Assurance Society in Johannesburg and while residing at 206 Market Street he offered to act as a spy for the British Military Government. This was declined. He died on 22 January 1905 and was buried in the Braamfontein cemetery.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This thesis investigates the production of different forms of Afrikaner ‘femininity’ at the Huguenot Seminary and College in Wellington, between 1873 and 1910. Founded by Andrew Murray, the moderator of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), specifically to train Dutch-Afrikaner girls as teachers and missionaries, the school was based on a model of women’s education developed at the Mount Holyoke Seminary in Connecticut and the majority of the teachers who worked at Huguenot until the 1920s were thus American-born and trained. The Huguenot Seminary proved to be an enormous success: it was constantly in need of extra room to house its overflow of pupils, the girls came near the top of the Colony’s teaching examinations from 1875 onwards, and its associated College – founded in 1898 – was one of the first institutions in South Africa where young women could study for university degrees. It had a profound impact on the lives of a considerable proportion of white, bourgeois Dutch-Afrikaner – and English-speaking – women during this period of rapid and wide-ranging transformation in South African society and politics. This thesis evaluates the extent to and manner in which Huguenot created particular Afrikaner ‘femininities’. The discussion begins with an exploration of the relationship between the Seminary, the Mount Holyoke system of girls’ education, and the DRC’s evangelicalism during the religious ‘revivals’ sweeping the Cape Colony in 1874-1875 and 1884-1885, paying particular attention to the teachers’ attempts to foster a quasi-religious community at the Seminary, and to the pupils’ responses to the school’s intense religiosity. It moves on to a discussion of the discourses surrounding the ideal of the educated woman that arose in the Seminary and College’s annuals between 1895 and 1910, identifying three key forms of ‘femininity’ promoted in magazines’ articles, short stories, and poetry. Finally, the thesis examines the impact of the growth of an Afrikaner ethnicity (specifically in the form of the First Afrikaans Language Movement), the South African War (1899-1902), and Alfred Milner’s South Africanism, on the ‘femininity’ espoused by the Seminary and College between 1874 and 1910.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / In this research the early development of the Black Sash is briefly explored, together with how it altered over time. Changes in the internal structures and its effect on the membership are benchmarked, together with the reasons and reasoning that compelled the organization to undertake a complete restructuring. An in-depth study is made of the disorientation brought about by the collapse of apartheid. Particular attention is paid to the resistance to, and ultimate acceptance of, the inevitability of offering a professionalized service. Attention is focused on the relationship between the Black Sash as a white women’s protest movement and the wider white community, content in the main to support apartheid. The degree to which the Black Sash was accepted by the black community as an equal partner in the struggle for a democratic South Africa is discussed and the criteria by which the organization has been evaluated. In addition, liberalism, per se, is evaluated from a “grassroots” perspective. From 1973, socio-economic developments in the wider society saw many Black Sash members returning to the workplace. This left them with little or no time to offer the organization during formal working hours. In order for the work to continue, paid staff had to be employed to augment the volunteer component. During the 1986 States of Emergency, members of banned organizations joined the Black Sash, and it became an amalgam of different views, generations and political opinion. This represented a significant ontological shift and altered its character in the eyes of the public, but also created internal fissures. The focus of this research is on the response of the Black Sash and its membership to the changing environment in which it was forced to function. By the 1980s, members were finding it difficult to relate to the new protest movements that were rapidly gaining black support and the black on black violence. Ultimately, except for its service arm, namely the advice offices, it emerged as an organization in limbo, appealing neither to the white minority nor the black majority. Women from other race groups, whose membership would have corrected the demographic imbalance, were reluctant to join a predominantly white organization with a tangible camaraderie, built up over the years as a result of members’ shared backgrounds and experiences. This threatened its effectiveness as an advocacy group, and access to the funding that was a vital element in its survival. Structural changes offered the only solution. One of the intentions of this research is to draw attention to the reinvented Black Sash Trust. As a multi-racial, multi-gender, professionalized NGO, managed and staffed by salaried personnel of all age groups, with minimal white volunteer input, it has replaced the two-tiered membership based structure, with a semiprofessional service arm. Having redefined its role and as the end product of slow, almost imperceptible but unavoidable innovations over time, it is developing its own identity, which encompasses much of the original Black Sash ethos.

Thesis(MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Swellendam is situated in the eastern part of the Overberg and is bounded by the districts of Bredasdorp in the south, Caledon and Robertson in the west, Montagu and Ladisrnith in the north, and Riversdale and Heidelberg in the east. Before colonisation mainly two Khoikhoi tribes, the Chainouquas and the Hessequas, lived there. Because of the favourable climate and terrain, the expansion into the interior of the European settlers after 1700 happened most rapidly across the Hottentots Holland mountains in the direction of the Breede River. On 12 November 1743 a sub-drostdy for the Colonie in de verre afgeleegene districten was founded and a landdrost and heemraad members were appointed. On 26 October 1747 the Political Council decided to name this district Swellendam. The drostdy and a number of other buildings were completed by 1747. The pioneers applied in the Swellendam area the methods of building to which they were accustomed, which they knew by tradition or to which they had been exposed. The plans which were employed had either been used by previous generations or appeared widely in the area. For almost two centuries the elongated wing plan in the form of an I, T, U, L, etcetera was followed at the Cape. In the area studied the T-plan, especially, is most common, with a considerable number of longhouses (I-plan) in which man and beast were lodged under one roof. Kapstyl (roof-truss), clay and stone houses are the three types of homes of which remnants have been found in the Swellendam area. The kapstyl structure was used as a temporary home and also as bam in the area under study. Clay houses were the first more permanent structures erected in the Swellendam area. These homes were probably built without the assistance of masons, joiners, carpenters and blacksmiths. In this area stone buildings were primarily erected at livestock stations and, compared to clay houses, there are few remnants of stone-built homes. A few combination patterns have been found in the lay-out of outbuildings. Examples of these are the stables-and-waggon shed combinations and the stables-waggon shed-kraal, as well as the stables-waggon shed-hen's nest openings and the slave quarters-milking shedwaggon shed combinations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swellendam is gelee in die oostelike deel van die Overberg en word begrens deur die distrikte van Bredasdorp in die suide, Caledon en Robertson in die weste, Montagu en Ladismith in die noorde, en Riversdal en Heidelberg in die ooste. Voor kolonisasie het daar in die streek hoofsaaklik twee Khoikhoi stamme gewoon, die Chainouquas en die Hessequas. As gevolg van die gunstige klimaat en die terrein het die binnelandse uitbreiding van die Europese setlaars na 1700 die vinnigste oor die Hottentots- Hollandberge in die rigting van die Breederivier plaasgevind. Op 12 November 1743 is 'n sub-drostdy vir die Colonie in de verre afgeleegene districten gestig en 'n landdros en heemrade is aangestel. Op 26 Oktober 1747 besluit die Politi eke Raad om hierdie distrik Swellendam te noem. Die drostdy en 'n aantal ander geboue is teen 1747 voltooi. Die pioniers het die bouwyse waaraan hulle gewoond was, wat hulle deur tradisie geken het of waaraan hulle blootgestel was, ook in die Swellendam-omgewing toegcpas. Die bouplanne wat gebruik is, is of deur die voorgeslagte aangewend, of het algemeen in die gebied voorgekom. Vir byna twee eeue is die verlengde vleuelplan in die vorm van 'n I, T, U, L ensovoorts, aan die Kaap gevolg. In die studiegebied kom veral die T-plan die meeste voor met 'n beduidende hoeveelheid langhuise (l-plan) waar mens en dier onder een dak gehuisves is. Kapstyl, klei en kliphuise is die drie woningtipes waarvan oorblyfsels in die Swellendamstreek aangetref is. Die kapstylstruktuur is in die studiegebied gebruik as tydelike woning en ook as SkuUL Kleihuise was die eerste meer permanente strukture wat in die Swellendam-omgewing opgerig is. Die wonings is waarskynlik opgerig sonder die hulp van messelaars, skrynwerkers, timmermans en grofsmede. In hierdie streek is daar hoofsaaklik op die veeposte met klip gebou en is daar in vergelyking met kleihuise min oorblyfsels van wonings wat met klip gebou is. 'n Paar kombinasiepatrone is in die uitleg van buitegeboue gevind. Voorbeelde hiervan is die stalle-en-waenhuis-kombinasies en die stalle-waenhuis-kraal, stalle-waenhuishoendernes- openinge, en die slawekwartier-melkery-waenhuis-kombinasies.