Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research has used a critical discourse analysis approach encompassing postcolonial theory and theory of media effects in order to investigate the influence of political discourse in the media upon youth’s violence in Cameroon. As a result it has been found that the use of private violence by young people in urban cities has become ordinary. Such an attitude reflects among other some aspects of youth’s lifestyle designed to cope with the hardship of their social status and to resist the elite’s dominance. While no counter-narrative has been found in the independent publications about the portrayal of youth’s violence as criminal by the state-owned press, the young people nevertheless have produced through a street culture a narrative deconstructing the political discourse in the media and highlighting their grievances in a more or less violent tone. Thus the use of private violence during the riot in February 2008, is far from an isolated (re)action of angry young people , it obeys the very practicality of their existence and the political turmoil it might cause is incidental to the way of life in which it is embedded. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsing het ‘n kritiese diskoers analise-benadering gebruik wat ‘n postkoloniale teorie en ‘n teorie van media-effekte insluit om sodoende die invloed van politieke diskoers in die media op jeuggeweld in Kameroen, te ondersoek. Daar is gevolglik gevind dat die gebruik van private geweld deur jongmense in stedelike gebiede normaal geword het. So ‘n houding reflekteer onder andere sommige aspekte van die jeug se leefstyl wat ontwerp is om die ontbering van hul sosiale status te hanteer en ook die elite se dominasie te weerstaan. Ofskoon geen teen-narratief sover gevind is in die onafhanklike publikasies oor die uitbeelding van jeuggeweld as krimineel en die publikasies van die staatsbeheerde pers wat die jeug uitbeeld met min agentskap nie, het jongmense wel ‘n teen-narratief geskep deur ‘n straat-kultuur. Hierdie teen-narratief dekonstruktueer die politieke diskoers in die media en onderstreep hul griewe in ‘n geweldadige toon. Dus die gebruik van private geweld gedurende die onluste in Februarie 2008, wat nie as ‘n geïsoleerde (re)aksie van woedende jongmense gesien kan word nie, is getrou aan die wese van hulle bestaan en die politieke onrus wat dit moontlik mag veroorsaak, is bykomstig tot die leefstyl waarin dit vasgelê is.”

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: With globalization the world has become a much smaller place and there has been an increase in the types of actors that take part in international relations. Even though foreign policy is normally the domain of the national government, sub-national governments have also started to make their mark in the international arena. The study of the role that sub-national governments play in the international arena, as well as how they are represented nationally has been narrowed down to South Africa and one of its nine provinces, namely the Western Cape Province. The thesis looks at how the provinces in South Africa are able to play a role internationally and what powers they are given by the Constitution. In South Africa provinces are allowed to sign Twinning agreements; although these agreements are not legally binding in terms of International Law. For this thesis I use a ‘case study’ design to focus the study, the case study for this thesis is the Western Cape Province. In terms of the research methodology for data collection, I conducted interviews with Minister Ivan Meyer who is the Minister responsible for international relation in this province. I also interviewed Mr. Roderick Thyssen who is part of the Directorate of International Relations which forms part of the Office of the Premier. Further primary data used in this study includes government documents, speeches, documentation on the agreements signed by the Western Cape Province, and the Constitution of South Africa. Secondary sources include books, journal articles and internet sources. The study uses the theory of micro-diplomacy to show the “awareness of universal interdependence.” Micro-diplomacy is not, however, a new concept but since interdependence across different levels of government has become increasingly more prevalent it has developed into an important phenomenon, requiring study. The concept implies that international relations are no longer the sole domain of national government, but that international relations and agreements are entered into on the provincial level as well, where provincial governments have taken responsibility for the “well-being of their respective territorial communities and for their own political survival in them” (Duchacek, 1984:15). The thesis found that even though the constitution of South Africa does not specifically give provinces the right to enter into international relations it also has not been clearly defined, which means there is room for interpretation. The Western Cape Province is a very active province in the international arena and market themselves in order to get more investments in the province for more funding to make it possible to deliver services more effectively. Provinces however are encountering obstacles such as, not being financially empowered, as well as lacking some important resources. Opportunities are however given in the form of support by institutions, such as the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), Consultative Forum of International Relations (CFIR), Ministers and Members of the Executive Council (MinMecs) and the President’s Coordinating Council (PCC), created to represent the provinces where they can express their specific needs and where they can also coordinate with the national sphere of government. There has been a realisation by the national government that they are no more the only actors internationally and they have started encouraging provinces to promote themselves. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met globalisering het die wêreld baie kleiner geword en was daar 'n toename in die tipes akteurs wat deelneem aan internasionale betrekkinge. Alhoewel buitelandse beleid normaalweg binne die domein van die nasionale regering val, het sub-nasionale regerings ook begin deel neem in die internasionale arena. Die bestudering van sub-nasionale regerings se rol in internasionale betrekkinge, as ook hoe hulle op nasionale vlak verteenwoordig word, is vereenvoudig na die voorbeeld van Suid-Afrika en een van die land se nege provinsies, naamlik die Wes-Kaap Provinsie. Die studie kyk na hoe die provinsies in Suid-Afrika 'n rol speel op internasionale vlak en watter magte aan die provinsies gegee word deur die Grondwet. In Suid-Afrika word provinsies toegelaat om “Twinning” ooreenkomste te onderteken. Hierdie ooreenkomste is egter nie wettiglik bindend in terme van Internasionale Wetgewing nie. Vir hierdie tesis gebruik ek 'n gevalle studie om die studie te fokus. Die gevalle studie vir hierdie tesis gebruik die Wes-Kaap Provinsie as die fokus. In terme van die navorsingsmetodologie vir die insameling van data, het ek onderhoude gevoer met Minister Ivan Meyer. Minister Meyer is verantwoordelik vir die hantering van internasionale verhoudings in die provinsie. Ek het ook 'n onderhoud gevoer met Mnr. Roderick Thyssen, wat deel is van die Direktoraat van Internasionale Verhoudings wat deel uit maak van die Kantoor van die Premier. Verdere primêre data wat gebruik word vir die studie, sluit regeringsdokumente, toesprake, dokumentasie oor die ooreenkomste wat geteken is deur die Wes-Kaap Provinsie en die Grondwet van Suid- Afrika in. Sekondêre bronne sluit boeke, joernaal artikels en internet bronne in. Mikro-diplomasie teorie word gebruik om te wys dat daar 'n bewustheid is van universele interafhanklikheid. Die konsep van Mikro-diplomasie is nie nuut nie, maar aangesien die interafhanklikheid tussen die verskillende regeringsvlakke besig is om toe te neem vereis dit verdere studie. Die konsep dui daarop dat die internasionale verhoudings nie net hanteer word deur die nasionale regering nie, maar dat internasionale betrekkinge en ooreenkomste ook op provinsiale vlak geteken word deur provinsiale regerings wat verantwoordelikheid geneem het vir die welstand van hulle gemeenskappe en politieke oorlewing (Duchacek,1984:15). Die tesis het gevind dat alhoewel die Grondwet van Suid-Afrika nie spesifieke regte gee aan provinsies wat internasionale verhoudings betref nie, is dit ook nie duidelik uitgelê en gestipuleer in die Grondwet nie, wat dit oop los vir interpretasie. Die Wes-Kaap Provinsie is baie aktief in die internasionale arena en bemark die provinsie op 'n internasionale vlak met die oog om buitelandse belegging te lok na die provinsie om dienslewering te verbeter. Provinsies ondervind struikelblokke soos geen finansiële bemagtiging en die ontbreking van belangrike hulpbronne. Daar is egter bystand geleenthede wat deur instellings soos die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies, Konsulterende Forum vir Internasionale Verhoudings, Ministers en Lede van die Uitvoerende Raad en die President se Koördinerende Raad gegee word, dit is die doel van die instellings om provinsies te verteenwoordig en waar provinsies hulle behoeftes kan voorlê en skakel met die nasionale sfere van regering. Daar is 'n duidelike besef by die nasionale vlakke van regering, dat hulle nie meer alleen deel neem op die internasionale verhoog nie en dus moedig hulle provinsies aan hom hulself te bemark.

Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fundamental motivation for emerging arms suppliers to produce arms was the desire to overcome their position of dependence in the system of arms production and transfers. However, their predicament as late entrants into the system castigated them to fail in this endeavour. This failure is based on three criteria, which also assist in the identification of emerging suppliers. Firstly, the weaponry they produce is far below the sophistication characterised by higher levels of technological advancement. Secondly, they can only produce one or two advanced weapon systems. Finally, they rely on the leading suppliers for certain sophisticated components of weapon systems which they cannot produce themselves and as a result, become so dependent that they, with an exception of a few, are unable to go beyond the simple reproduction or retrofitting of existing weapon systems. The capability to produce arms was restrictedly extended to certain states in the post-war era, and even those states that obtained such a capability were confmed to producing small arms and platforms for naval vessels. Those states that went beyond these capabilities did so with the assistance of other states or specialists, the initial intention being to meet domestic requirements, and ultimately to dispose surplus Second World War equipment in the re-transfer market. The emerging supplier states' intention to develop indigenous arms industries was driven by the political urge to reduce their reliance on the leading suppliers and to nationalise the arms production process for import substitution in order to meet domestic security needs. Since the emerging suppliers began the process of defence industrialisation from the importation of complete weapon systems to import substitution, and ultimately to the promotion of exports, they mainly relied on technology imported from the leading suppliers. On the one hand, the leading suppliers attempted to hinder the efforts of emerging suppliers to promote arms exports so as to protect their oligopolistic share of the arms market through tightening the controls and regulations on technological supplies. On the other, the emerging suppliers were impelled to promote their arms exports in order to overcome the saturation of their domestic markets, to utilise effectively their arms production capacities, and to positively affect their balance of payments through the procreation of foreign exchange returns. This study reached the following conclusions and inferences: 1. The arms trade has evolved to be characterised by the transfer of military technology, which did not feature in the arms transactions of the previous periods. 2. The gap between the leading and emerging suppliers is widening with regard to the sophistication of technological capabilities, and accordingly the stratification within the arms production and transfer system is sustainable and reinforced, thus making it hard for the lower tiers to progress beyond their current status. 3. The emerging suppliers' share of and contribution into the arms market is constricted, and as such they specialise in specific (often uncomplicated) weapon systems that constitute niches in the global market. 4. The unfolding arms production and transfer system is characterised by a fiercely competitive atmosphere, and consequently, only those states that can subsidise or integrate their efforts are enabled to sustain an advanced arms production faculty. 5. As the emerging suppliers begin to introduce more and more of their wares into the market, the costs of research and development begin to soar in the same manner as those of the leading suppliers, thus urging them to become more export-oriented. 6. Participants in the system will be compelled to relinquish their comparative technological superiority in order to survive, thus narrowing the gap between the capabilities possessed by both the leading and the emerging suppliers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onderliggende motivering van opkomende wapenverskaffers om wapens te produseer word toegeskryf aan 'n behoefte om hulle relatiewe afhanklikheid in die stelsel van wapenproduksie en - handel te oorkom. Boonop het die laat toetrede tot die stelsel hierdie opkomende verskaffers se kanse tot sukses verder belemmer. Die rede vir die onsuksesvolle toetrede word gebasseer op drie kriteria (wat ook dien as identifiserende eienskappe van opkomende wapenverskaffers). Eerstens, die wapens wat opkomende verskaffers lewer skiet tekort aan die vereiste gesofistikeerde standaarde van die gevestigde wapenprodusente. Tweedens, hulle kan slegs een of twee gevorderde wapenstelsels produseer. Derdens, sekere komponente van wapenstelsels word verkry by die gevestigde verskaffers, wat lei tot afhanklikheid tot so 'n mate dat die opkomende verskaffer se vermoëns beperk word tot eenvoudige reprodusering of herinstallasies van bestaande stelsels. Trouens, in die post-oorlog tydperk is die vermoë om wapens te produseer doelbewus beperk tot sekere state wat 'n afgebakende reeks van handwapens en uitrusting vir vloot vaartuie kon vervaardig. State wat verby hierdie vermoë beweeg het, het dit gedoen met behulp van ander state of spesaliste, oorspronklik met die oog op die huishoudelike behoefte maar ook om ontslae te raak van surplusse uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. 'n Politieke begeerte om in hulle eie sekuriteitsbehoeftes te voorsien deur middel van invoersubstitusie, het die opkomende verskaffers genoop om ontslae te raak van die afhanklikheid op gevestigde verskaffers en om die wapenproduseringsproses te nasionaliseer. Hulle het hoofsaaklik gesteun op ingevoerde tegnologie om die verdedigingsbedryf te industrialiseer. Die proses het so verloop: volledige wapenstelsels is ingevoer, daarna het invoersubstitusie plaasgevind, en daarna 'n bevordering van uitvoere. Gevestigde verskaffers het endersyds probeer om (deur middel van strenger kontrole en regulasies of tegnologiese ware) die opkomende verskaffers te verhoed om hulle oligopolistiese houvas op die mark te belemmer en andersyds moes opkomende verskaffers noodgedwonge hulle uitvoere bevorder om te voorkom dat die plaaslike mark versadig word. Die laasgenoemde aspek het ook die betalingsbalans van opkomende verskaffers positief beinvloed as gevolg van die inkomste uit buitelandse valuta. Hierdie studie kom tot die volgende aanames en gevolgtrekkings: 1. Wapenhandel het só ontwikkel dat die oordrag van militêre tegnologie die hoofkenmerk geword het in die stelsel - 'n ongekende kenmerk tot dusver in die ontwikkelingsgang van internasionale wapenhandel. 2. Die gaping van tegnologiese vermoëns tussen opkomende en gevestigde wapenverskaffers word groter en daarmee saam word die stratifikasie in wapenproduksie en -lewering volhoubaar en versterk, wat lei tot 'n beperking op die vermoë van opkomende verskaffers om vooruitgang te maak. 3. Opkomende verskaffers se aandeel in en bydrae tot wapenmarkte bly beperk en spesialiseer daarom op spesifieke (meestalongekompliseerde) wapenstelsels wat gemik is op sekere nisse in die wêreldmark. 4. Die ontluikende wapenproduksie en -handelsisteem is uiters kompeterend, met die gevolg dat slegs state wat hulle pogings kan subsidieer of integreer in staat is om gevorderde fasiliteite te onderhou. 5. Met die toenemende aanbod vanaf opkomende verskaffers, styg die kostes van navorsing en ontwikkeling vir beide die opkomende en die gevestigde verskaffer wat weer beide dwing om hulle uitvoere te beklemtoon. 6. Deelnemers in die stelsel sal gedwing word om hulle vergelykende tegnologiese voorsprong prys te gee om te oorleef in die stelsel, waarna die gaping tussen die vermoëns van opkomende en gevestigde verskaffers verminder sal word.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa, like so many other developing countries, is confronted with a very complex situation: although large-scale environmental degradation is threatening the future of the country, environmental matters are not regarded as of sufficient importance amongst the general population for them to contribute to environmental improvements. Most of the country's populations, many argue, are simply too poor and too focused on fulfilling short-term survival needs to give priority to the environment. Employing the 2001 World Values Survey, this study analyzes the attitudes of the general public of South Africa towards environmental matters. These attitudes are contrasted with those of the elites, who have a disproportionate influence over policy-making, by looking at the 2000 South African National Leadership Opinion Survey. This study finds that, as hypothesized, the general population of the country is quite unwilling (or unable) to contribute materially or financially to environmental improvements, especially in relation to the elites. In the final part of the study, these findings are employed in the development of a set of guidelines that policy-makers can use to increase the probability of developing successful and effective environmental policies. These guidelines take into account the nature and dimensions of popular attitudes, and consider ways in which environmental policies can foster the support of a public that is confronted with so many other serious issues. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika, soos soveel ander ontwikkelende lande, is gekonfronteer met 'n baie komplekse situasie: alhoewel grootskaalse degradasie van die omgewing die toekoms van die land bedreig, sien die algemene publiek nie omgewingskwessies as belangrik genoeg om 'n bydrae te lewer nie. Die argument is dat te veel van die land se bevolking net te arm of te gefokus is op die bevrediging van kort-termyn oorlewingsbehoeftes om prioriteit te gee aan omgewingskwessies. Deur gebruik te maak van die 2001 Wêreld Waardestudie, analiseer hierdie studie die houdings van die Suid-Afrikaanse publiek teenoor omgewingskwessies. Hierdie houdings word gekontrasteer met die van die elites, wat 'n disproporsionele invloed het oor die beleidsmakingsproses, deur gebruik te maak van die 2000 Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Leierskap Opinie Studie. Die studie vind dat, soos gehipotiseer, die publiek onwillig (of net nie in staat) is om bydrae te lewer tot die oplossing van omgewingskwessies, veral in vergelyking met die elites. In die finale afdeling van hierdie studie word die bevindinge gebruik om 'n stel riglyne te ontwikkel wat deur beleidmakers gebruik kan word om die waarskynlikheid van suksesvolle en effektiewe omgewingsbeleid te verbeter. Hierdie riglyne neem in ag die natuur en dimensies van publieke houdings, en bring na vore maniere waardeur omgewingsbeleide die ondersteuning van 'n publiek, wat gekonfronteer word met soveel ander ernstige kwessies, kan opbou.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Instability in foreign political and social systems, changing power structures in international relations, and growing demands by host countries for a greater control over the operations of multinational enterprises (MNEs) have all led to the necessity of an improved way in which to determine foreign investment opportunities. Not surprisingly therefore, political risk assessment has become one of the fastest growing fields of study. Being concerned with the identification, analysis, management, and reduction of socio-political risks for foreign investors. The focus of this study is that of political risk analysis and the way in which it impacts on investor perception and consequently determines levels of foreign direct investment received by a particular country. Numerous definitions for the term "political risk" exist. Consequently, no specific definition is regarded as being completely correct since consensus still needs to be reached. One of the definitions used within this study is that political risk analysis is the analysis of the possibility that factors caused or influenced by governmental political decisions or other unforeseen events in a country will affect business climates in such a way that investors will lose money or not make as much profit as they expected when the initial decision to invest was made. These factors can be of internal (from inside the host country) or external origin, and can pose macro or micro risks. Foreign Direct Investment in brief is an investment involving a long-term relationship and reflecting a lasting interest and control of a resident entity in one economy in an enterprise resident in an economy other than that of the foreign direct investor. This study is a comparative between South Africa and Nigeria. South Africa and Nigeria share many similarities, they are both resource based, African countries. They are both fairly recent democracies, although some may contest the status of Nigeria as being a democracy. They are also both heterogeneous states, both consisting of various ethnic groups. Nigeria offers investors a low-cost labour pool, abundant natural resources, and a large domestic market. However, Nigeria suffers from an inadequate and poorly maintained infrastructure, confusing and inconsistent regulations, endemic corruption, and a lack of confidence in the rule of law. Despite all of this, Nigeria alone accounts for a quarter of FDI flows to Africa. In comparison, South Africa's FDI potential has not been fully exploited. This study will discuss the possible reasons why this is the case. The labour market in both countries and the challenges they face are discussed in depth within this study. Due to the fact that aside from investment, the economic growth within a country is dependent on a variety of factors, the backbone of which is the labour market. In determining levels of risk within both South Africa and Nigeria, this study made use of a political risk model. Although the intention has been to be as accurate and as thorough as possible, it should be noted that as yet, no generalised systematic method of conducting political risk assessment exists. Results, although extensively substantiated, remains the interpretation of the researcher and as such remains open to debate. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Onstabiliteit in buitelandse politieke en sosiale stelsels, veranderende mag strukture in internasionale betrekkinge, en die groeiende behoeftes van gasheer lande om meer beheer uit te oefen oor die funksioneering van buitelandse maatskappye het alles gelei na die noodsaaklikheid van 'n beter manier om buitelandse investering te bepaal. Dus is dit nie verbasend dat politieke risiko analise deesdae een van die vinnigste ontwikkelende onderwerpe is wat bestudeer word nie. Politieke risiko analise is belangrik vir die identifikasie, analise, bestuur en vermindering van sosio-politieke risiko vir buitelandse investering. Hierdie studie fokus op die impak wat politieke risiko' analise het met betrekking tot belegger waarneming en hoe dit dan ook moontlik die bedrag van buitelandse investering wat 'n land ontvang, kan bepaal. Daar is verskeie definisies wat die term "politieke risiko" beskryf en gevolglik moet konsensus nog bereik word oor 'n "korrekte" een. Een van die definisies wat in hierdie studie gebruik word is dat politieke risiko die analise is van die moontlikheid dat sekere faktore wat veroorsaak is of wat beïnvloed is deur die regering se politieke besluite, asook ander onvoorspelbare gebeurtenise in 'n land wat die investerings klimaat so kan beïnvloed dat die buitelandse beleggers moontlik geld kan verloor of miskien nie die verwagte winste behaal wat hulle aanvanklik gereken het, sou behaal nie. Hierdie faktore kan of intern (binne die gasheer land) of ekstern van aard wees en kan dus makro of mikro risiko behels. Direkte buitelandse investering in 'n land is 'n belegging wat In lang termyn verhouding insluit en dit reflekteer ook 'n blywende belangstelling en beheer van 'n buitelandse maatskappy in 'n gasheer land in. Hierdie studie is 'n vergelykende studie tussen Suid-Afrika en Nigerië. Suid-Afrika en Nigerië deel baie ooreenkomste. Beide lande is ryk aan natuurlike bronne en beide is nog "jong" demokratiese lande. Sommige mense stem nie saam dat Nigerië wel aan al die vereistes van 'n demokrasie voldoen nie. Suid-Afrika en Nigerië is ook heterogene state wat uit verskeie etniese groepe bestaan. Nigerië bied vir die buitelandse belegger billike arbeid, oorvloedige natuurlike bronne, asook In groot binnelandse mark. Ten spyte hiervan, moet dit ook in ag geneem word dat Nigerië onder onvoldoende en In swak instandhouding van infrastruktuur, wispelturige regulasies, korrupsie en ook In swak regsisteem ly. Ten spyte van al hierdie faktore, ontvang Nigerië In kwart van alle buitelandse investering in Afrika. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse investerings potensiaal in vergelyking met ander lande moet nog ontwikkel word. Hierdie studie sal die moontlike redes vir Suid Afrika se oneksploiteerbare buitelandse investerings potensiaal bespreek. Die arbeidsmark en die uitdagings wat gestel word het In groot invloed op buitelandse investering. Hierdie studie het ten doelom beide lande se arbeidsmark te bespreek en te vergelyk met betrekking tot buitelandse investering. Om die moontlike risiko in altwee lande te bepaal, maak hierdie studie gebruik van In politieke risiko analise model. Die navorser het gepoog om so deeglik en akkuraat as moontlik te wees. Dit moet ook in ag geneem word dat daar nog geen veralgemeende metode van politieke risiko analise ontwikkel is nie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study addresses the topic of foreign direct investment in the People's Republic of China (P.Re.) by South African companies, focusing on opportunities and risks in the context of 'South-South Co-operation' between the P.RC. and South Africa. Relations between the two developing countries have only been forged since January 1998 when South Africa recognised the P.RC. government as the dejure representative of China. With the Chinese market of 1.3 billion potential consumers proving to be a lucrative opportunity for all international, multinational and transnational companies, it is imperative for South African companies to gain a foothold in the Chinese market. Therefore, entry requirements as well as impediments that could emerge have to be scrutinised. Analysis of governmental relations currently being forged between the two states is assessed as well as the wider context of 'Sino-Africa' co-operation. China's recent entry into the World Trade Organisation (WTO) has and will continue to have a substantial effect on the international trading system. The implications of this for South African companies is given considerable attention in order to highlight resulting opportunities. Apart from assessmg the current state of relations and identifying investment and business opportunities, the study also focuses on the method of conducting business in China which has highly complex rules and regulations for companies entering the P.RC. An analysis of the different modes of entry is conducted, coupled with a focus on the cultural sensitivities and norms that are associated with building relationships when negotiating possible business partnerships. The study finally identifies potential risks that foreign direct investors need to continually assess, namely, the transfer of political power to a new generation of relatively young leaders, corruption that is spreading within China and the restructuring of State Owned Enterprises (SOE's) and the inevitable consequence of job losses. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie spreek die onderwerp van buitelandse direkte investering in die Volksrepubliek van Sjina (VRS) deur Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye aan, en fokus op geleenthede en risikos in die konteks van 'Suid-Suid samewerking' tussen die VRS en Suid-Afrika. Betrekkings tussen die twee ontwikkelende lande is eers onlangs gesmee nadat Suid-Afrika in Januarie 1998 die VRS as die dejure verteenwoordiger van Sjina erken het. Met In Sjinese mark van meer as 1.3 miljard potensiële verbruikers wat In winsgewende geleentheid vir alle internasionale, multinasionale en transnasionale maatskappye skep, is dit imperatief vir Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye om hulself in die Sjinese mark te vestig. Dus moet toegangsvereistes asook moontlike hindernisse noukeurig ondersoek word. Die studie doen 'n analise van betrekkings wat huidiglik tussen die twee state se regerings gesmee word, en die breër konteks van samewerking tussen Sjina en Afrika word ook geëvalueer. Die VRS se onlangse toetrede tot die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) het en sal aanhou om 'n wesenlike impak op die internasionale handelsstelsel te hê. Daar word ook aansienlike aandag geskenk aan die implikasies hiervan vir Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye om sodoende geleenthede uit te lig. Bo en behalwe 'n evaluering van die huidige stand van betrekkings en 'n identifisering van beleggings- en besigheidsgeleenthede, fokus hierdie studie ook op die manier waarop besigheid in Sjina onderneem word, wat uiters gekompliseerde reëls en regulasies insluit vir maatskappye wat die land betree. 'n Analise van die verskillende wyses van toegang is onderneem, tesame met 'n fokus op die kulturele sensitiwiteite en norme wat 'n invloed op die bou van verhoudings tydens die onderhandeling van moontlike besigheidsvennootskappe kan hê. Laastens identifiseer die studie potensiële risikos wat buitelandse direkte beleggers voortdurend in ag moet neem, naamlik die oordrag van mag na 'n nuwe generasie van relatief jong leiers, die verspreiding van korrupsie, die herstrukturering van staatskorporasies en die onvermydelike gevolge van werksverliese.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This case study examines the implications of globalisation for business-government relations in South Africa since 1990. The study proposes that business, bolstered by globalisation, is increasingly gaining influence in the policy process of South Africa. The unfolding era of neo-liberalism has ushered in an enormous surge in the power of capital and a decline in the organization and influence of labour. This surge in relative power has allowed the South African business community, to impose its own discipline on government and to narrow the sphere of public decisions. Fear ofloss of competitiveness, in attracting capital, both domestic and international, has forced government to make their policies increasingly capital-friendly rather than responding to popular will or broad social interest. The study establishes the features of globalisation and South Africa's position within this process through an analysis of the relationship between the ANC and business that developed in South Africa between 1990 and 1994, and later facilitated the ANC's acceptance of a neo-liberal macroeconomic strategy in 1996. By analysing; firstly, the influence of business within the policy-making process since 1996, and secondly, the influence of business in the outcomes of government's black economic empowerment strategy, the study shows that business has attempted to optimise its position vis-a-vis the currents of globalisation. The study concludes that the working partnership between business and government, established in terms of the BEE strategy is based on the mutual need of each other, as both government and business face the brutal capriciousness of foreign investment, the major challenge posed by globalisation. The South African business community is however in a unique position with respect to South Africa's ongoing transformation. Within the post-apartheid context, and South Africa's reconfigured power equation between government and business, globalisation would appear to give corporate South Africa added leverage over its rival social partners in the tug-of-war over the terms of development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gevalle-studie bestudeer die implikasies van globalisasie vir besigheidregering verhoudings in Suid-Afrika vanaf 1990. Die studie stel voor dat besigheid, aangehelp deur globalisasie, toenemend invloed verkry in die beleidsproses in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe era van neo-liberalisme het 'n groot toevloei in die mag van kapitaal binne gesien en 'n afname in die organisasie en invloed van arbeid. Die beweging van relatiewe mag het die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheids-gemeenskap toegelaat om sy eie dissipline op die regering op te lê, en om die sfeer van openbare besluite te vernou. Die vrees van verlies van mededinging in die aantrekking van kapitaal, beide plaaslik en internasionaal, het die regering gedwing om hul beleide toenemend kapitaalvriendelik te maak, eerder as om te reageer op populêre wilskrag of breë sosiale belang. Die studie bevestig die kenmerke van globalisasie sowel as Suid-Afrika se posisie in hierdie proses. Dit word bepaal deur 'n analise van die verhouding tussen die ANC en ondernemings wat tussen 1990 en 1994 in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel het en later deur die ANC se aanvaarding van 'n neo-liberale makro-ekonomies strategie in 1996, gefasiliteer is. Deur eerste die invloed van besigheid binne die beleidmakings-proses vanaf 1996 te analiseer en tweedens te kyk na die invloed van besigheid in die uitkoms van die regering se swart ekonomiese bemagtings strategie (BEE) wys die studie dat besigheid probeer het om sy posisie deur die vloei van globalisasie te optimiseer. Die studie sluit af met die erkende vennootskap tussen besighede en die regering. Hierdie vernootskap is gevestig op die terme van die BEE strategie, wat gebasseer is op wedersydse belang, want beide die regering en besighede staar die brutale wispelturigheid van buitelandse belegging in die gesig. Hierdie groot uitdaging word deur globalisasie voortgebring. Die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheidsgemeentskap is in 'n unieke posisie, in die sin van Suid-Afrika se voortgaande transformasie. Binne die post-apartheid konteks en Suid-Afrika se hergestruktueerde mags verhouding tussen die regering en besighede, wil dit voorkom asof globalisasie die besigheids-sfeer van Suid-Afrika 'n toename van mag oor sy mededingende sosiale vennote te gee, in die konflik oor die terme van ontwikkeling.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Many different categories of people move into South Africa daily. Each category has its defined purposes for coming here such as seeking opportunities, a better life and in some cases a safe haven. Many South Africans have become intolerant towards immigrants entering the country. In some cases immigrants have to endure name calling, harassment and in more extreme circumstances violent attacks. This study proposes to focus on intolerance in South Africa from 1990 to 2001 and describes whether South Africans have become more intolerant towards immigrants over this period. It therefore focuses on certain groups in the South African society based on ethnicity, level of education and category of employment. A quantitative method is used by means of utilising already existing statistics from the World Value Surveys conducted in 1990, 1995 and 200l. It also takes the form of a longitudinal study by describing xenophobic and intolerant attitudes over an elevenyear period. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elke dag kom verskillende groepe mense na Suid-Afrika. Hulle het ook verskeie redes waarom hulle hierheen kom. Sommige mag gelok word deur die geleenthede wat die land hulle mag bied en ander vlug hierheen op soek na 'n veilige blyplek. Alhoewel hulle hierheen kom vir definitiewe redes, word hulle nie deur alle Suid-Afrikaners verwelkom nie. Hulle word dikwels die slagoffers van aanvalle en word ook gereeld geteister. Die doel van hierdie studie is om verdraagsaamheid in Suid-Afrika te analiseer deur om na vreemdelingsvrees van Suid-Afrikaners teenoor immigrante te kyk. Die studie wil die vlak van verdraagsaamheid tenoor immigrante vanaf 1990 tot 2001 beskryf. Klem word op spesifieke groepe van Suid-Afrikaners geplaas naamlik rasse groep, die vlak van geletterdheid so wel as werkskategorie. Die studie gebruik dus 'n kwantitatiwe navorsingrnetode en statistieke van die World Value Surveys wat in 1990, 1995 en 2001 gedoen is. Dit beoog om die veranderinge in verdraagsaamheid oor 'n periode van elf jaar te beskryf.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Violence against women is a serious offence. Emotional and physical abuse can happen to our daughters, sisters and wives. Rape is a form of violence against women. It violates a woman's privacy, dignity and it makes her feel as if she has lost control. The criminal justice system is there to protect the citizens of a country and this protection should extend to women when they have been violated. The criminal justice system has different structures, for example the courts, medical services and police services. The staff of the criminal justice process do not have an inherent duty to care about rape survivors but they can be trained to treat survivors with consideration and sympathy to counteract the effects of the rape and secondary victimization experienced by rape survivors. It is important that there are guidelines for the staff of the criminal justice system to assist them in rape cases. This thesis explores whether women experience secondary victimisation during court proceedings. To assess whether it occurs, court transcripts were analysed with a focus placed on the background of the court case and the verdicts of the judges. Findings indicate that secondary victimisation do occur during court cases. Rape survivors feel as if they are on trial and not the rapist. Survivors furthermore believe that they will have to live with the label that they had been raped and humiliated. The thesis recommends that officials of the criminal justice process should receive extensive training, and looks at the Sexual Offences Court in Wynberg as an example of an improved system for rape survivors. It is recommended that the procedures of the Sexual Offences Court should be evaluated on a regular basis to address secondary victimisation problems that may persist. Communication is very important during the rape trial. The rape survivor has to be informed about her case and about the location of the rapist at all times. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Geweld teen vroue is 'n ernstige oortreding wat plaasvind in ons samelewing. Emosionele en fisiese geweld kan gebeur met ons dogters, vroue en susters. Hierdie vorm van geweld laat vroue voel asof hulle beheer verloor oor hulle lewens en dit het ook 'n impak op hul self respek en selfbeeld. Die Kriminele Sisteem van Suid Afrika is daar om die belange van sy inwoners te beskerm. Dit het verskillende afdelings byvoorbeeld, die mediese dienste, die polisie en die hof verrigtinge. Die lede van die Kriminele Sisteem werk met verskillende individue wat voel dat die hof die uitweg sal wees wat geregtigheid sal laat geskied. Die lede van die Kriminele Sisteem het nie 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid teenoor die verkragtings oorlewendes nie, maar hulle moet sensitiwiteit en empatie betoon teenoor die dames wat verkrag was. Die gedrag van die personeel speel 'n groot rol in terme van hoe die vrou wat verkrag was die aangeleentheid verwerk. Die fokus van die studie is om te kyk of vroue wel sekondêre viktimisering ervaar wanneer hulle besluit om voort te gaan met die hofsake. Hof transkripsies was gebruik om te kyk of vroue wel benadeel word. Daar was gekyk na die uitsprake van die regters sowel as die agtergrond van die hofsaak. Daar was bevind dat sekondêre viktimisering wel plaasvind gedurende die hof verrigtinge. Vroue voel asof hulle verantwoordelik is vir die verkragting wat met hulle gebeur het. Die verkragter word nie gesien as die persoon wat oortree het nie. Hierdie gevoelens van self blamering vorm deel van sekondêre viktimisering wat veroorsaak dat vroue sommige kere voel om nie verder te gaan met die hof saak nie. Die verskillende lede van die Kriminele Sisteem moet gedurig opleiding verkry wat hulle in staat sal stel om die gevoelens van die slagoffers in ag te neem. Die howe wat spesiaal opgerig is om verkragting sake te verhoor moet geevalueer word sodat dit 'n sukses kan wees. Kommunikasie moet bevorder word tussen die verskillende departemente en nie -regerings organisasies wat 'n rol speel gedurende die hof sake.

Thesis (MMil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the last forty years Africa has been one of the most conflict-ridden regions in the world, resulting in untold human suffering. It has been estimated that between 1955 and 1999 some nine to ten million people have died as a result of violent conflict in Africa. However, those suffering the most in these wars are not merely the defenceless victims of conflict, but also its active perpetrators. More than 120 000 children under the age of 18 years have been forced or recruited to participate in armed conflicts across Africa. Although the use of children in armed conflict is not a new phenomenon, it has never been as widespread and as brutal as during the past decade. Governmental organisations, non-governmental organisations, academic institutions, security institutes and the media have conducted extensive research on the phenomenon of child soldiers, specifically focusing on the demobilisation and reintegration of child combatants. Surprisingly, not much research has been conducted on why particular states are more prone to utilise these little soldiers than others. This thesis attempts to fill that gap by analysing the circumstances under which children are utilised as soldiers in Africa. This aim is divided into three subdivisions, namely to describe the type of states in which children are utilised as soldiers, to analyse the conflicts in which child soldiers are utilised, and to describe the socio-economic conditions that urge children to take up arms. An analysis of the child soldier-phenomenon suggests that it transpires in weak states. These states exhibit very distinct characteristics, including serious problems of legitimacy, the absence of one cohesive national identity, the presence of opposing local strongmen, high levels of institutional weakness, economic underdevelopment, and a vulnerability to external international forces. The weakness of these states is created by the fragmentation of social control amongst various social organisations, which is in turn caused by the expansion of the world economy from Europe and also by colonialism. This fragmentation poses immense challenges to state leaders and forces them to adopt very distinct political policies, which put certain limitations on the process of state-making. In response to this, leaders have adopted a number of social, political and economic strategies. These, together with the socio-economic conditions - specifically poverty - within weak states often create civil violence. These strategies include political centralisation, authoritarianism, ethnic politics, the manipulation of democratic processes and mechanisms, patronage politics and the manipulation of state economic structures and policies. However, in order to successfully execute these strategies, rulers need wealth-creating resources, which usually result in the exploitation of scarce natural resources. Warlords and local strongmen also exploit resources to purchase arms to combat both government forces and opposing strongmen. In addition, large international private companies cash in on the financial advantages accrued from conflict. This leads to the formation of entrenched war economies. In the end then, these wars becomean excuse to plunder natural resources for private enrichment. A very distinct characteristic of these conflicts is the widespread use of child soldiers. All the armed groups in Africa's wars, including government armed forces, paramilitary groups and armed opposition groups, are to a greater or lesser extent guilty of recruiting, forcefully conscripting, press-ganging and deploying child soldiers. However, states that utilise child soldiers all exhibit similar socio-economic characteristics. Poverty is endemic. Famine is widespread and magnifies the problems caused by war and poverty even further. The provision of medical and health care is insufficient because of the vast number of war wounded and the destruction of hospitals and clinics. This is also aggravated by the high numbers of HIV/AIDS sufferers. Schools are destroyed, educational systems are often poorly developed and illiteracy is widespread. In addition, due to years of war and civil unrest, millions of people are displaced and forced to become refugees. These socio-economic characteristics create the ideal breeding ground for the recruitment of child soldiers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Oor die afgelope veertig jaar was Afrika een van die mees konflikgedrewe streke in die wêreld wat op onbeskryflike menslike lyding uitgeloop het. Dit is bereken dat tussen 1955 en 1999 ongeveer nege tot tien miljoen persone gesterf het as gevolg van die gewelddadige konflikte in Afrika. Maar diegene wat die meeste in sulke oorloë gely het, was nie maar net die weerlose slagoffers van die konflik nie, maar hulle was inderdaad ook aktiewe deelnemers daaraan. Meer as 120 000 kinders onder die ouderdom van 18 jaar is gedwing of gewerf om aan gewapende konflik regoor Afrika deel te neem. Alhoewel die deelname van kinders aan gewapende konflik nie 'n nuwe verskynsel is nie, was dit nog nooit so wydverspreid en so brutaal soos tydens die afgelope dekade nie. Regeringsorganisasies, nie-regeringsorganisasies, akademiese instellings, sekerheidsinstellings en die media het uitgebreide navorsing onderneem oor die verskynsel van kindersoldate, en spesifiek gefokus op die demobilisering en herintegrasie van kinderkrygers. Verbasend genoeg is nie veel navorsing gedoen oor waarom spesifieke state meer gereed staan om hierdie klein soldaatjies aan te wend as andere nie. Hierdie tesis poog om hierdie kennisgaping te vul deur die omstandighede waaronder kinders as soldate in Afrika aangewend word, te analiseer. Die doel hiermee word in drie onderafdelings verdeel, naamlik om die tipes state te beskryf waarin kinders as soldate aangewend word, om die konflikte te analiseer waarin kindersoldate gebruik word en ook om die sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede te beskryf wat kinders aanspoor om die wapen op te neem. 'n Analise van die kindersoldaatverskynsel dui aan dat dit in swak state voorkom. Hierdie state openbaar besonderse kenmerke, insluitende ernstige probleme rakende legitimiteit, die afwesigheid van 'n enkele samebindende nasionale identiteit, die aanwesigheid van plaaslike sterk leiers, hoë vlakke van institusionele swakhede, ekonomiese onderontwikkeling en In blootstelling aan eksterne internasionale kragte. Die swakhede van hierdie state het ontstaan deur die fragmentering van sosiale beheer onder verskeie sosiale organisasies, wat op hul beurt veroorsaak is deur die uitbreiding van die wêreldekonomie vanuit Europa en ook deur kolonialisme. Hierdie fragmentering gee aanleiding tot ontsaglike uitdagings vir staatsleiers en dwing hulle om onderskeidende politieke beleidsrigtings toe te pas wat weer sekere beperkings op die proses van staatsvorming plaas. In antwoord hierop het leiers 'n aantal sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese strategieë aanvaar. Tesame met die sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede - en spesifiek armoede - skep hierdie strategieë dikwels burgerlike geweld binne swak state. Sulke strategieë sluit in politieke sentralisasie, outoritêre oorheersing, etniese beleidsrigtings, die manipulering van demokratiese prosesse en meganismes, die politiek van beskerming en begunstiging, asook die manipulering van die staat se ekonomiese strukture en beleidsrigtings. Maar om hierdie strategieë suksesvol uit te voer, benodig die heersers welvaartskeppende hulpbronne wat gewoonlik uitloop op die uitbuiting van skaars natuurlike hulpbronne. Gewapende aanvoerders en plaaslike onderdrukkers plunder ook hulpbronne om wapens aan te skaf om sowel regeringsmagte asook opponerende onderdrukkers te beveg. Daarby trek internasionale private maatskappye ook voordeel uit die finansiële opbrengste wat uit konflik verkry word. Dit alles lei tot die totstandkoming van verskanste oorlogsekonomieë. In die finale analise word hierdie oorloë bloot 'n verskoning om natuurlike hulpbronne vir eie verryking te plunder. 'n Baie onderskeidende kenmerk van hierdie konflikte is die wydverspreide aanwending van kindersoldate. AI die gewapende groepe in Afrika se oorloë, insluitende regerings se gewapende magte, paramilitêre groepe en gewapende opposisiegroepe, is almal tot mindere of meerdere mate skuldig aan die werwing, gewelddadige rekrutering en aanwending en ook die ontplooiing van kindersoldate. State wat kindersoldate gebruik, toon almal soortgelyke sosio-ekonomiese kenmerke. Armoede is endemies. Hongersnood is wydverspreid en vererger die probleme wat deur oorloë en armoede veroorsaak is. Die voorsiening van mediese- en gesondheidsorg is onvoldoende as gevolg van die hoë aantal HIVNigslyers. Skole is vernietig, onderwysstelsels is dikwels onderontwikkeld en ongeletterdheid is wydverspreid. As gevolg van jare se oorloë en burgerlike onrus word miljoene mense verder ook uit hul huise gedryf en gedwing om vlugtelinge te word. Hierdie sosio-ekonomiese kenmerke skep die ideale teelaarde vir die werwing van kindersoldate.