A sujeição ao existente foi o tema central do programa de pesquisas organizado por Max Horkheimer no âmbito do Instituto de Pesquisa Social, ao longo da década de trinta. As diversas formas de subjetivação da dominação psíquica, política e ideológica foram objeto da reflexão de Horkheimer e de seus colaboradores, ao longo de um período que correspondeu, aproximadamente, ao da edição da Revista de Pesquisa Social, publicada entre 1932 e 1941. A autoridade foi o tema que vinculou a obra de Horkheimer à de seus colegas no Instituto, nesta tese representados por Fromm, Pollock e Neumann, autores que compreendiam o problema da dominação sob diferentes prismas, e cuja apropriação do marxismo seguia a cada vez um curso próprio. Tenta-se mostrar como Max Horkheimer, a partir de sua compreensão da ideologia e da ciência contemporâneas, formulou uma concepção de autoridade que influiu decisivamente sobre a apropriação crítica feita pelo autor, em seus ensaios, das contribuições daqueles membros do Instituto. Ao incorporá-las em sua obra, Horkheimer modificava a estrutura de seus principais conceitos e lhes conferia novas funções, o que incluía a busca por potenciais de emancipação. Nesse processo, o autor examinava a imbricação entre o fetichismo presente nas diversas esferas sociais, a violência psíquica e política e a luta de classes. / Subjection to the existing was the central theme of the research program organized by Max Horkheimer in the scope of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research, during the thirties. The various forms of subjectivation of domination - psychic, political, and ideological - were the object of Horkheimer and his collaborators reflection over a period that corresponded approximately to that of the edition of the Journal of Social Research, published between 1932 and 1941. The issue of authority linked Horkheimers work to that of his colleagues at the Institute, in this doctoral thesis represented by Erich Fromm, Friedrich Pollock and Franz Neumann, authors who understood the problem of domination under different prisms, and whose appropriation of marxism followed each time a specific course. The aim here is to show how Max Horkheimer, starting from his understanding of contemporary ideology and science, formulated a conception of authority that decisively influenced the authors critical incorporation in his essays of the contributions of those members of the Institute. In assimilating them in his work, Horkheimer modified the structure of their main concepts and gave them new functions, which included the search for emancipation potentials. In this process, the author examined the imbrication between fetishism present in the various social spheres, psychic and political violence and class struggle.

After recognizing the beauty and the utility of Graph Theory in solving a variety of problems, the author decided that it would be a good idea to make the subject available for students earlier in their educational experience. In this thesis, the author developed four units in Graph Theory, namely Vertex Coloring, Minimum Spanning Tree, Domination, and Hamiltonian Paths and Cycles, which are appropriate for high school level.

The complementary prism GG of a graph G is formed from the disjoint union of G and its complement G by adding the edges of a perfect match- ing between the corresponding vertices of G and G. A Roman dominating function on a graph G = (V,E) is a labeling f : V(G) → {0,1,2} such that every vertex with label 0 is adjacent to a vertex with label 2. The Roman domination number γR(G) of G is the minimum f(V ) = Σv∈V f(v) over all such functions of G. We study the Roman domination number of complementary prisms. Our main results show that γR(GG) takes on a limited number of values in terms of the domination number of GG and the Roman domination numbers of G and G.

La période 1870-1914 est une ère de paix relative pour la France. Apres la défaite de 1870, la politique revancharde française ranime les efforts impérialistes de colonisation en Afrique et dans les iles. Cet élan colonialiste se traduit dans la pratique du sport qui gagne de popularité et devient le moyen idéal d’acheminer les idéaux républicains. L’alpinisme et la course aux sommets des Alpes deviennent alors symboliques de l’imaginaire de conquête présent dans l’esprit de la bourgeoisie européenne. Bien que ce phénomène soit l’objet de plusieurs études historico-culturelles, telles que celles d’Olivier Hoibian, Philippe Joutard et Dominique Lejeune, rares sont les études de la représentation de la mentalité colonialiste dans les œuvres de littérature alpine, qui, selon moi, capturent cette mentalité de façon unique et forte. L’analyse littéraire des deux textes sélectionnés montre comment la mentalité impérialiste se traduit dans l’appropriation et l’exploitation de l’espace montagnard. Les notions de progrès et de civilisation jouent le rôle d’étendards pour une domination évidente du capital et de la modernisation qui caractérise l’Europe du XIXe siècle, et auxquels les Alpes n’échappent pas.

My aim in this dissertation is to analyze Black oppression and White domination. I attempt to show how social systems unjustly diminish Black Americans’ opportunities to form and pursue their conceptions of good lives and unjustly strengthen White Americans’ opportunities for the same. I believe that the accounts of Black oppression and White domination I offer are more adept at identifying the expansive and varied wrongs of Black oppression in America, analyzing the relationship between theorizing oppression and addressing oppression through social and political change in America, and demonstrating the ways that Whites benefit from and are incentivized to maintain oppressive systems in America, than the accounts put forward by other theorists. In Chapter 1, I begin by discussing why I frame my project in terms of oppressive “wrongs” rather than “harms”. I worry the term ‘harm’ may be taken to imply that one has experienced subjective suffering or a measurable loss, whereas I am concerned with instantiations of oppressive systems even when they don’t cause the person subject to the oppressive system to experience a measurable loss or subjective suffering. In an effort to describe how I identify wrongs, I then argue that in virtue of the deep importance of freely pursuing one’s chosen life plan, any barriers one faces in pursuing his or her life plan must be justifiable. Barriers one experiences in virtue of his or her race are typically not justifiable. On this basis, I argue for my principle of racial injustice, which states that individuals are prima facie wronged by socially constructed barriers to their abilities to form and seek their conception of a good life if those barriers exist in virtue of their race. The “prima facie” nature of the wrongness is significant, I argue, because correcting the injustices of Black oppression will require that Whites face some barriers to pursuing our life plans that we do not currently face; it is not the case, then, that every race-based barrier is truly wrongful. I then discuss my understanding of race, arguing that race’s mutability across contexts and how one’s race is intimately tied to systems of subordination and domination support my view that race is socially constructed. I end with a brief history of White domination and Black subordination in the U.S. In Chapter 2, I outline general experiences of racism as espoused by Black writers and the statistical data that support these accounts. I then take a deep look at mass incarceration, including a history of the system, its disproportional impact on Black Americans, and the many resulting injustices inflicted largely on incarcerated Black Americans, their families, and their communities. I specifically highlight the recognition-wrongs inflicted on Black Americans through mass incarceration, where recognition-wrongs are acts that function primarily as a mode of dehumanizing individuals. Recognition-wrongs include verbal degradation through things like slurs, but also epistemic injustices, a concept developed by Miranda Fricker and others to identify injustices that wrong individuals in virtue of their status as knowers and communicators of knowledge. I then discuss kinship-wrongs, a concept I develop to identify wrongs that impact people’s ability to form and maintain relationships. I highlight and conceptualize these wrongs in an attempt to draw attention to their significance in racial subordination. In Chapter 3, I develop an account of oppression that is particularly responsive to race-based wrongs. I begin by showing why the influential accounts authored by Iris Marion Young and Ann Cudd are unsatisfactory for capturing Black oppression. I attempt to develop an account that is sensitive to the experiences of subordination detailed by Black Americans, equipped to address the material harms of oppression, and also able to make sense of the recognition- and kinship-wrongs raised in Chapter 2. I ultimately determine that a member of a c-group is subject to an oppressive wrong when, in virtue of his or her or their membership in that c-group, he or she or they suffer wrongs that are systematically perpetrated through social, political, or legal norms, conventions, or practices. A c-group is any collection of persons who share (or would share in similar circumstances) some set of constraints, incentives, penalties, and the like. I end the chapter by carefully describing my commitments to each clause of the definition of oppression, beginning by analyzing c-groups, describing systematically perpetrated wrongs, explaining what it means to be wronged in virtue of one’s c-group membership, and showing that my account of oppression is sensitive to both material and recognition-wrongs. In Chapter 4, I argue that we ought to understand oppression in the framework of a capabilities approach. I begin by explaining the concept of capabilities, which are real opportunities to function in particular ways. I then argue that securing capabilities is a better aim for justice than ensuring that people function in certain valuable ways because a focus on capabilities protects people’s opportunities to pursue the kinds of lives they want to live, respecting their interest in freely determining their life goals, while a focus on protecting valuable functionings inappropriately prescribes life goals to them. I show how capabilities can be utilized as part of a theory of justice, and argue that my utilization of capabilities, combined with the other moral commitments I defend throughout the dissertation, comprises a rectificatory theory of racial justice aimed at eliminating Black oppression (i.e. a theory that analyzes the current racial injustices of oppression and offers guidance on how we should approach redressing these injustices). I argue that through the framework of capabilities, I can analyze both the material and recognition-wrongs of oppression, avoid the kinds of bad idealizations that often skew our understanding of oppressive systems and their impact, and make judgments about modern day society without developing an account of perfect justice. I next show that to avoid inflicting further recognition-wrongs, it is essential that oppressed peoples are the primary arbiters of which capabilities and oppressive systems should be prioritized in policy and advocacy. I conclude Chapter 4 with a brief sketch of how we can turn the priorities of the oppressed into public policy, moving from the prioritization process, to policy development, to implementing policies, and finally to monitoring and revising them. My final chapter, Chapter 5, shows how my account can also be used to analyze the norms of White domination that coincide with Black oppression. I begin by discussing “correlative capabilities,” which are those capabilities that are strengthened for Whites in virtue of the fact that Whites are not subject to oppression as Black Americans are. My discussion of correlative capabilities maps closely onto the advantages typically described as White privilege. I then turn to more insidious advantages Whites gain from Black oppression. I argue that oppressive norms advantage Whites by creating a social structure that empowers us with the capabilities to dominate racial narratives and ignore our racialized identities. The capability to dominate racial narratives consists in Whites’ abilities to pontificate on racialized events without justification for our views and still have our perspectives treated as mainstream, worthy of debate, and often as nearly definitive. I demonstrate this capability in action by examining Colin Kaepernick’s protest in the NFL, the coverage it received, and his resulting treatment. I then discuss Whites’ capability to ignore our racialized identities, showing how we establish Whiteness as a central, unconditioned perspective. Whites see ourselves as “simply people,” while seeing non-Whites as raced. This leads to Whites promoting color-blind conceptions of justice, which move us farther from true justice by ignoring social norms’ impact on policy development and implementation. I then show how Whites may go one step further and argue that we are victimized by “reverse racism” when efforts are made to eliminate oppressive systems. Finally, I end Chapter 5 with a discussion of how Whites are also disadvantaged by Black oppression, particularly in our capabilities to perform our jobs well, live morally, and establish and maintain relationships. I then conclude the dissertation by discussing how we might teach race-sensitive virtues in an effort to change White-favorable social norms.

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In the past and present the inter-gender relationship has been based on male domination resulting in the overlooking of the female role and value. Many male-inspired theories helped to establish this hierarchical relationship and to perpetuate the belief that men and women have been created differently and not equally privileged. My research on the status of Korean women verifies these theories by examining how much social and cultural conditions have contributed to the difference between the genders to the disadvantage of women. It also reveals the distortion of patriarchal theories by investigating the principle of Confucianism which led to the depravation of Korean women's opportunities to develop themselves. The present level of achievement for women's equality is the result of these women's struggles. I as a women artist, present my work so that it will help both men and women to raise their awareness and to eliminate the prejudice towards females in society. The early principle of the Yin and Yang, distorted later for political benefits, implied a cooperative relationship of two forces for creation and development. Although these force are different and independent, when used cooperatively, they make a complete picture of stability and harmony. If they remain separate forces there is no resulting completion of creation, but instability and misfortunes. By disclosing this principle of harmony in Shamanism and early Confucianism, I also present the notion that all kinds of misfortunes come out of a broken harmony between creatures, peoples, and genders. / Master of Arts (Hons)

Cette thèse se situe dans le cadre de l'analyse réelle. Nous introduisons dans un premier temps une nouvelle fonction maximale dans les espaces de tentes de Coifman, Meyer et Stein pour laquelle nous obtenons une inégalité maximale. Dans un second temps nous démontrons un principe de domination qui nous permet d'obtenir des inégalités de normes entre des fonctionnelles ``croissantes'' à partir d'inégalités plus faibles (domination des moyennes de l'une des fonctionnelles par le produit des normes infinies des autres fonctionnelles) Enfin, nous appliquons ces résultats à l'étude de propriétés de continuité de la fonctionnelle densité d'intégrale d'aire. Nous montrons notamment que cette fonctionnelle envoie continûment les espaces de Hardy Hp dans Lp.

Im Zentrum steht die Genese einer sich im 20. Jahrhundert zunehmend ideologisierenden Schia, deren wachsende diskursive Macht sich mit der Iranischen Revolution von 1979 durch die Schaffung realpolitischer Strukturen in Form der velayāt-e faqih niederzuschlagen vermag. Untersucht wird, unter welchen Bedingungen der gesellschaftspolitische Entwurf des schiitischen Klerus sich auch im Hinblick auf existierende nicht-religiöse Gegendiskurse seiner Zeit – etwa aus der staatlichen Bürokratie, Intellektuellenzirkeln oder aus linken und nationalen Bewegungen – wandelte. Wie begegnete der Klerus den drängenden gesellschaftlichen Fragen der Moderne und wie wird der politische Diskurs heute geführt?

The aim of this thesis is to discuss the similarities between Kafka&rsquo / s The Trial, &ldquo / The Metamorphosis&rdquo / and &ldquo / The Judgement&rdquo / , and Pinter&rsquo / s plays namely, The Birthday Party, Old Times, Ashes to Ashes and The Dumb Waiter, in terms of their characters&rsquo / problems concerning their existence and their manners of dealing with these issues. The thesis argues that, as a consequence of being thrown into a meaningless world, characters created by Kafka and Pinter have to deal with existential problems like being alienated, having a limited freedom due to their facticity, and being subject to menace, the source of which is beyond their knowledge. It is also discussed that the characters of these writers apply similar methods / such as dominating the others and resorting to inauthentic existence, concerning their manner of dealing with the problems they face. In other words, this study intends to highlight the fact that both Kafka and Pinter reflect the situation of man, looking for a meaningful, secure existence in an absurd world, filled with disillusionment, loss of faith and failure of communication. Key