Social mix is a highly contested global trend in urban planning as it can result in some of the same negative social consequences as gentrification, such as displacement and social polarization. In 2014, the City of Vancouver approved a social mix strategy for one of its low-income neighbourhoods in their Downtown Eastside (DTES) Local Area Plan (LAP). With this plan, the city aimed to increase mid- and high-income residents in a predominately low-income neighbourhood. Included were Social Impact Objectives to mitigate harm to existing low-income residents, and assurances the approach would benefit all community members. The LAP provoked questions of whether social mix could, indeed, benefit low-income residents. This qualitative single-case research study investigates the experiences of residents with low incomes in the DTES neighbourhood, three years after the implementation of the LAP. The study is grounded in an anti-oppressive framework, with attention to anti-colonization and the unique experiences at the intersection of gender and colonial oppression. Three key findings emerged from neighbourhood observations and semi-structured focus groups conducted in 2017 with twenty-four research participants. First, experiences of displacement in the DTES were reported; second, experiences of social polarization within their neighbourhood were described; and, third, most participants demonstrated strong community connections despite the social mix changes. The findings suggest low-income residents did not benefit from social mix and, if further displacement and polarization were to continue, the negative impact on low-income residents would increase. / Graduate

The inner city has been the site of many efforts to respond to economic decline and social stresses. Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) represent a new form of governance that plays an important role in the revitalization of inner-city districts. This work considers how the Strathcona Business Improvement Association (BIA), a BID located in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada can contribute to the sustainable social and economic development in the Downtown Eastside district. The Strathcona BIA is distinguished from most other North American BIDs as its territory includes a large number of industrial properties. Low-income residents and industry in Strathcona currently face the prospect of being displaced by the construction of market housing. A review of literature that considers the processes affecting the inner city is combined with a review of best practices of BIDs to inform recommendations for the Strathcona BIA. A vision for Strathcona that meets the Vancouver Agreement's key objective of 'revitalization without displacement' involves three main components: 1) a public realm that is truly open to everybody; 2) a hub for cultural performance and production where artists can make, display, and sell their work; and 3) a green, specialized industrial cluster that employs local residents and innovates in a competitive marketplace. There are a multitude of activities that the Strathcona BIA may undertake to assist in the sustainable revitalization of the neighbourhood. A good starting point for the BIA involves a partnership with the stakeholders in the community to participate a municipal urban planning process to institutionalize a vision of the community in an Official Development Plan (ODP). The ODP can then serve as an important tool that guides interventions and activities pursued by the multitude of stakeholders in the community, including the BIA.

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As food insecurity increases among socio-economically marginalized populations, community based efforts to address these issues have received particular attention for their potential to promote justice in food systems. This thesis presents a case-study analysis of right to food (RTF) activism in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES), a community where decades of failed government policies and economic disinvestment have produced high levels of poverty as well as organized resistance and activism. I explored this localized movement through key stakeholder interviews (n=17) and 10 months of participation at a community-based organization. My findings suggest that local efforts to organize around RTF may have had some success in challenging the dominant discourse and practices associated with the entrenched charitable food model. However, these efforts are limited in their ability to ‘scale up’ this work to transform the systems that produce uneven urban food environments. I argue that the barriers to food access in the DTES are inextricably tied to broader historical contestations over urban space produced by processes of capitalist urbanization. Drawing on Lefebvre’s ‘right to the city,' I suggest how RTF activism in the DTES could benefit from linking more explicitly to the collective struggles facing wider efforts to reclaim the city.

Urban redevelopment in the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver, British Columbia, marginalizes low-income residents and threatens them with displacement. Site visits and an analysis of discourse suggest that gentrification and the establishment of new restaurants in the area have also contributed to a commodification of poverty. The impacts of restaurant gentrification provoke resistance, and the opening of a new restaurant accused of inviting voyeurism and objectifying neighbourhood residents has resulted in an indefinite picket out front. Interviews show that picketers are endeavouring both to stop gentrification and to win social housing and needed services for the area, while also attempting to create social, economic, and political change at a larger scale. The picket draws attention to the effects of restaurant gentrification on the neighbourhood and the disproportionate influence of the state apparatus on the Downtown Eastside, yet also seeks to preserve a heterotopic space as an alternative to a neoliberal urbanism. / Graduate / 0615 / burnettk@uvic.ca

In this dissertation I examine representations of the events surrounding the disappearance and murder of women from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, in the interests of animating a sense of implication in these events among a wider public. To do so, I build on theoretical concepts developed in the work of Avery Gordon, Judith Butler, and Wendy Brown, namely the notions of hauntings, grievability, and inheritance. My approach to knowledge production builds upon Avery Gordon’s theorizing about the significance of hauntings in particular. Following Gordon, I argue that while the women disappeared from Vancouver are no longer physically “there” in the Downtown Eastside, they do indeed maintain what Gordon describes as a “seething presence” in Vancouver (and beyond), one that suggests matters of some urgency for contemporary social and political life, and so my research traces those presences as they have arisen through my engagement with a variety of cultural productions (including documentary film, photography, journalism, art, and poetry). Building on insights from each of the three theorists listed above, I argue that ethical encounters with the ghosts of the women who have been disappeared require rethinking conventional ways of understanding the relationships between self/other and past/present/future. Because the women disappeared from the Downtown Eastside are disproportionately Indigenous, I begin by investigating how histories of colonization, and in particular the frontier mythology so commonplace in western Canada, are implicated in these contemporary acts of violence. I argue that conventional understandings of space, temporality, and history are inadequate for understanding these events in all of their complexity. From there, I investigate how and why the women were initially cast, in a variety of representations, as living lives that many assumed could not be widely recognized through the framework of what Judith Butler has coined a “grievable life.” And finally, I ask after what kind of memorial practices might be most capable of hailing an “us” into relations of inheritance with the women who have been disappeared - such relations, I argue, are a necessary part of reckoning with our individual and collective implication in the disappearances of women from the Downtown Eastside. / English

The inner city has been the site of many efforts to respond to economic decline and social stresses. Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) represent a new form of governance that plays an important role in the revitalization of inner-city districts. This work considers how the Strathcona Business Improvement Association (BIA), a BID located in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada can contribute to the sustainable social and economic development in the Downtown Eastside district. The Strathcona BIA is distinguished from most other North American BIDs as its territory includes a large number of industrial properties. Low-income residents and industry in Strathcona currently face the prospect of being displaced by the construction of market housing. A review of literature that considers the processes affecting the inner city is combined with a review of best practices of BIDs to inform recommendations for the Strathcona BIA. A vision for Strathcona that meets the Vancouver Agreement's key objective of 'revitalization without displacement' involves three main components: 1) a public realm that is truly open to everybody; 2) a hub for cultural performance and production where artists can make, display, and sell their work; and 3) a green, specialized industrial cluster that employs local residents and innovates in a competitive marketplace. There are a multitude of activities that the Strathcona BIA may undertake to assist in the sustainable revitalization of the neighbourhood. A good starting point for the BIA involves a partnership with the stakeholders in the community to participate a municipal urban planning process to institutionalize a vision of the community in an Official Development Plan (ODP). The ODP can then serve as an important tool that guides interventions and activities pursued by the multitude of stakeholders in the community, including the BIA.

The inner city has been the site of many efforts to respond to economic decline and social stresses. Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) represent a new form of governance that plays an important role in the revitalization of inner-city districts. This work considers how the Strathcona Business Improvement Association (BIA), a BID located in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada can contribute to the sustainable social and economic development in the Downtown Eastside district. The Strathcona BIA is distinguished from most other North American BIDs as its territory includes a large number of industrial properties. Low-income residents and industry in Strathcona currently face the prospect of being displaced by the construction of market housing. A review of literature that considers the processes affecting the inner city is combined with a review of best practices of BIDs to inform recommendations for the Strathcona BIA. A vision for Strathcona that meets the Vancouver Agreement's key objective of 'revitalization without displacement' involves three main components: 1) a public realm that is truly open to everybody; 2) a hub for cultural performance and production where artists can make, display, and sell their work; and 3) a green, specialized industrial cluster that employs local residents and innovates in a competitive marketplace. There are a multitude of activities that the Strathcona BIA may undertake to assist in the sustainable revitalization of the neighbourhood. A good starting point for the BIA involves a partnership with the stakeholders in the community to participate a municipal urban planning process to institutionalize a vision of the community in an Official Development Plan (ODP). The ODP can then serve as an important tool that guides interventions and activities pursued by the multitude of stakeholders in the community, including the BIA. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Social planning has remained a longstanding element of urban planning practice and continues to be pursued through different institutional structures in Canada. While the City of Winnipeg currently features no municipal social planning department, the City of Vancouver attempts to support its most disadvantaged neighbourhoods through its municipal sector. As these are two cities with high concentrations of Indigenous populations, this research uncovers the degree to which these two social planning models have worked to support the particular needs and interests of residents living in Winnipeg’s North End and Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. Through the comparative case study of these two research sites, comprehensive document analysis and semi-structured interviews with key informants from planning agencies in each city, it is evident both models promote socially just and socially sustainable planning processes and outcomes within their respective neighbourhoods. However, neither is without fault. As a government body Vancouver is able to create and track progress in a more systemic way, setting targets and metrics for other government agencies, while information sharing and relationship building are where non-profit organizations in Winnipeg truly excel. This research explains how most non-profit organizations are unable to successfully sustain themselves, while municipal departments lack the rapport grassroots organizations more easily attain. Therefore, an integration of both models could begin to better support Canada’s most disadvantaged neighbourhoods with growing urban Indigenous populations. / May 2016

The public spaces of many low-income, inner-city neighbourhoods are fundamental in forming strong social networks, nurturing the development of community and supporting the needs of vulnerable residents. This aspect of the urban condition is rooted in the understanding of public space as social space, emphasizing the innumerable differences of individuals and their everyday patterns of inhabitation. This thesis explores Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, a historically marginalized neighbourhood with a strong sense of community that has developed from an accessible and inclusive public life. However, as the neighbourhood undergoes re-development, social polarization threatens the vitality of its public space and the existing sense of acceptance and connection. To mitigate the impact of gentrification on public space, architecture is employed as a tool to support and enhance the area’s inclusive public realm. Applying principles of Everyday Urbanism, it illustrates the social importance of ‘everyday space’, emphasizing the human condition and multidimensional aspects of cities. Three distinct designs propose ‘neighbourhood places’ at strategic locations throughout the Downtown Eastside. Guided by the principles of ‘city design’ and four established design goals, each project demonstrates an attempt to anchor the existing community in place, foster a dialogue between different neighbourhood groups and promote a sense of ownership and belonging. Although this thesis concentrates on the Downtown Eastside, it outlines a set of design principles that can be applied universally, increasing community connections and support throughout our cities.