Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs. / This research focuses on the interpretative dimension of EU integration and on its role in post-communist democratization. It offers an understanding of the significance of taking part in political life, becoming politically competent and taking part in collective actions. This significance takes shape under specific circumstances, which are part of the asymmetrical power relation with the European Union (EU). I discuss the existing literature on the role of EU integration in post-communist democratization and discern two main theoretical paradigms, which put emphasis either on institutionalist learning or on the strategic instrumental process. Within these two approaches I present authors who see the EU either as a pro-democratic or anti-democratic factor in the context of post-communist political transition. This research does not follow exactly, theoretically or methodologically, in the footsteps of the studies presented in the literature review. It starts from a theoretical model, inspired by McFalls’ research on German cultural reunification after 1989. This model, without neglecting institutional and strategic approaches, emphasizes the importance of other theoretical schools, interpretative and constructivist. My findings are based on field trips in two post-communist countries that are situated at different stages of the EU integration process: Bulgaria, which became a EU member in 2007, and Macedonia, which is a candidate country. Methodologically, I use qualitative methods and ethnographic techniques that triangulate findings from different sources into converging dynamic trajectories of cultural change under the influence of EU integration. These findings show the specific conditions under which the conventional ideal-types of political change, institutionalist and strategic, represent useful theoretical models. I also display their limitations that call for an alternative approach. I conclude that EU integration, as a complex phenomenon within the world of meaning, acts simultaneously as a booster and an inhibitor of democratic political culture. People create different subcultures where different interpretations of the EU integration process lead to dissimilar effects on their political participation, competence and collective action. Discursive conversations between people representing these different subcultures may also produce dissimilar effects on the national level. This research is not an analysis of the EU as an institutional mechanism and therefore, it is not research that takes the EU as an institution affecting post-communist democratization. This research focuses on the way the process of EU integration as an interaction affects political culture in post-communist societies, and via this influence, how it affects the process of democratization. It is not about Europeanization, understood as becoming more European-like, unless this Europeanization becomes part of political culture, which affects political behavior.

The role of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the process of direct tax integration in the European Union (EU) has been widely discussed in the academic literature, while another important actor, the European Commission, has attracted much less attention. The Commission’s input is commonly perceived to be limited to the right of legislative initiative. This study questions such an oversimplified interpretation and draws a more nuanced picture of EU tax harmonisation by integrating an analysis of the complex regulatory approaches adopted by the Commission for the establishment and smooth functioning of the Internal Market. It is argued that the past decade brought a notable change in the Court-dominated pattern of direct tax integration. This change is apparent first in the evolution of enforcement strategies under Articles 258 and 260 TFEU; and second, in the increased reliance upon non-binding regulatory measures. Both developments have strengthened the role of the Commission, supplying it with more possibilities for influencing national direct tax systems, despite the reluctance of Member States to agree upon legislative harmonisation. Against this background, the procedural and substantive problems associated with these instruments require closer examination. The normative scope of this research covers the key procedural problems related to the infringement procedure and non-binding regulatory measures. The empirical component explores the Commission’s enforcement and coordination practices, drawing particular attention to two case studies: the tax treatment of losses in cross-border situations and exit taxation. Following the analysis of enforcement and coordination in the field of direct taxation, the study argues the need and proposes potential solutions for (i) the developing of a more comprehensive procedural framework for the infringement procedure and non-binding regulatory acts; (ii) the strengthening of accountability mechanisms; and (iii) the enhancing of the effectiveness of their application.

This study analyzes the European Union's governance methods in Kosovo during the negotiation process for EU membership, since the country's declaration of independence. To carry out an analysis, this study uses a theory-consuming case study as its method. The study uses Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way's theory of Western Linkage and Leverage as an analytical tool to analyze what governance methods the European Union has used in Kosovo. But also to find out if they have had an impact on Kosovo's EU integration since the country's independence. The results show that the levels of Western Linkage have been high but also have developed positively since 2008. In addition, the results show that the levels of Western Leverage have been high since 2008. Thus it appears that the EU has used different governance methods in order to lead Kosovo to an increased democratization. This study also concludes that the EU can be seen as an important, normative actor for Kosovo during the negotiation process according to the theory Normative Power Europe.

The goal of this diploma thesis is to define, analyze and evaluate the most relevant areas related to the topic of European migration law and politics. Although the subject is quite broad, I try to focus on legal migration. Free movement of EU citizens could not be left out, however I concentrate mainly on position of migrating three country nationals within the EU. I compare the Czech legal system against the European legal system. The thesis has been divided into four chapters, which are further subdivided. In the first chapter the thesis brings a brief definition of the concept of migration in general, including a chronological historical excursion of the European norms connected to the migration law and a description of migration law, politics and the necessity of a suitable integration approach. The second chapter is devoted to create a characterization of the European migration legislation, competences in the field and a definition of fundamental human rights standards. This section also deals with theoretical and practical issues of European citizenship and the associated right of free movement. The third chapter is dedicated to legal issues of migration of third country nationals. From common regulation of borders, protection and criteria of entry, I move to analyze set of rights and...