Since the EU-ETS was placed at the centre of EU climate governance in 2003,its influence has not been restricted to environmental policy but has spread to theeconomic and political domains. But its implementation remains blocked even after the EU revised it by the Climate and Energy Package (CEP). The larger problem is, the ‘East-West’ split toward the revised EU-ETS triggered by the ambitious but ‘missions complicated’ CEP and diffused to energy governance, which put EU's climate governance into the deadlock (Wettestad, 2014). Skjærseth and Wettestad (2009, 2010) argued that the revised EU-ETS could be the result of the changing MS’ preferences, but they did not unpack these preferences formulated during the EU-ETS implementation. This thesis fills the gap by reinvestigating the EU-ETS implementation to identify what the domestic contextual factors are and how they affect and reshape MS’ preferences to the EU-ETS. By applying the five stage policy-making cycle andthe multilevel governance (MLG) in this study, it is concluded that the difficulty offixing the EU-ETS is not merely limited to the revised climate governance structure, but also the need to reconcile MS’ energy-economic structures and coordinate with their climate and energy policy. To solve the MS’ problem of ‘asymmetrical energy-economic interests’, it is vital for the EU to improve the cross-level reconciliation between the EU-ETS and national energy policies and to increase the coordination between policy instruments when reforming the EU’s climate governance structure. The EU-ETS development encourages both national and EU’s climate governance structures to fall in line with MLG concepts (flexible design and more jurisdictional levels involved in the policy network). Therefore, it has become the turning point of European integration, by which the traditional dichotomy between ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ integration starts transitioning to the ‘two-way reconciliation.’

This thesis examines the integration of European stock markets, focusing on the affect of the EU and Eurozone. Moreover, the thesis analyses whether increasing integration is a local trend possibly caused by the EU and Eurozone, or whether either the Japanese or American stock market gets more integrated with the European ones as well. We study the integration using weekly data of eighteen European stock markets and stock markets of Japan and the US over the horizon of twenty years. The method used is an extension by Klöessner and Wagner (2012) of a method originally introduced by Diebold and Yilmaz (2009). We find a positive effect of the EU on the integration of the stock markets. Also, the integration is rather local as the American and Japanese stock markets are proved to not have a higher increase in integration with the European stock markets that they have with each other. Finally, we find the Eurozone does not have an immediate positive effect on the integration of the stock markets. Keywords Stock markets integration, Spillovers, EU, Eurozone, Diebold and Yilmaz Author's e-mail vildova.t@email.cz Supervisor's e-mail mp.princ@seznam.cz

Unexplored areas in EU integration literature regarding regional representational channels give impetus to the research. Novelty lies in its concentration on reciprocal regional governmental and EU relations to test the hypothesis that Regions with Legislative Competencies (RLCs) interact in EU policy and decision-making to influence it through both formal and informal means. The work focuses on RLCs because they are able to harness a large degree of power and influence vis-à-vis the nation state, which increases their visibility in EU policy. The Basque Country is the case study due to its high degree of autonomy and resources that maximises its ability to influence EU policy. The period of analysis starts from the Maastricht Treaty negotiations (1991-1992) and concludes with the Basque parliamentary elections (2009). Existing literature explores the regional tier emphasising its involvement in EU decision and policymaking, primarily concerning structural and cohesion funds. Other scholarly contributions identify central governments as the regulators of substate regional participation at EU-level policymaking. The thesis argues that multi-level governance (MLG) offers new insights into examining EU integration and the phenomenon of regional ‘circumvention’ of central governments through informal representational avenues, including interregional organisations and diverse lobbying efforts. A MLG approach is useful because it considers varying levels of influence and jurisdiction of substate, state, and supranational entities within the EU. The thesis argues that the effective representational capability of RLCs depends on formal and informal institutional contacts, and it explores the most effective forms of representation for Euskadi and the policy areas where its activism has an impact. Fieldwork consists primarily of informal semi-structured interviews with EU representatives, the central state, Basque institutions, and interregional organisations. They are essential concerns for the methodology because they form a range of informal and formal representation channels, which have not been thoroughly surveyed in the literature.

This research aims to explain mechanisms of the new twin crisis, the influence of such a crisis on European integration, and identify indicators that can predict such a twin crisis. First, the old and the new twin crisis will be explained and the necessity of this research will be elaborated upon. Hereafter, the main mechanisms of the new twin crisis will be identified based on a literature review. From this literature review a set of indicators, accompanied by certain thresholds, will be created that can indicate that a twin crisis is about to happen. These indicators will be used to analyse data from 1970 until 2015 to asses whether this new twin crisis has occured in the past and what its political consequences were. The constructed mechanism to explain the new twin crisis and the list of indicators will be put to the test by conducting an indepth case study of Italy and its risk of encountering a new twin crisis. Based on the model that links the new twin crisis to political consequences, the case study attempts to link the new twin crisis to the European integration project. This research will lay the foundation for the creation of predictive models for the new twin crisis and provide insights in one of the main destabilisers for European integration. It therefore establishes a set-up and lay-out for future research in this specific field.

Vor dem Hintergrund der Integration Polens in die Europäische Union (EU) werden in der vorliegenden Arbeit die Auswirkungen verschiedener agrarpolitischer Optionen untersucht. Als mögliche Varianten wurden dabei die Agenda 2000 sowie eine vollständige Liberalisierung der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitk (GAP) ausgewählt. Neben den Politikoptionen werden weitere Parameter variiert, die die Entwicklung der Agrarproduktion und des Handels beeinflußen. Insbesondere werden unterschiedliche Varianten zur Entwicklung der Produktivität im polnischen Agrarsektor simuliert. Die Simulationen erfolgen mittels eines komparativ-statischen, partiellen Gleichgewichtsmodells. Des weiteren wird eine politökonomische Betrachtungsweise unter Nutzung einer Politischen Präferenzfunktion durchgeführt. Die wichtigsten Resultate der Analysen lassen sich wie folgt zusammenfassen: Eine vollständige Liberalisierung der GAP führt bei vorher stark protektionierten Pro-dukten wie Rindfleisch, Milch und Zucker zu Weltmarktpreiserhöhungen. Die Mehrzahl der Erzeuger- und Konsumentenpreise in der EU hingegen sinkt. Es folgt ein starker Rückgang der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion, welcher ein Defizit in der Agrarhandelsbilanz der EU bewirkt. In den Agenda 2000-Szenarien steigt in der EU bei der überwiegenden Zahl der Agrar-güter die Produktion an, auch der Saldo der Agrarhandelsbilanz bleibt positiv. Die Simulation eines EU-Beitritts Polens mit einer vollständigen Liberalisierung führt zu deutlichen Preissenkungen auf den nationalen Märkten. Die Auswirkungen auf die polnische Agrarhandelsbilanz sind stark von der Produktivitätsentwicklung abhängig. Auch ein EU-Beitritt Polens mit der Einführung der Agenda 2000 bedingt Preis-senkungen bei allen landwirtschaftlichen Produkten, mit Ausnahme von Zucker. Doch kann die polnische Agrarhandelsposition eindeutig verbessert werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen weiterhin die Unterschiede in der Beurteilung einer Politikoption in Abhängigkeit von dem gewählten Bewertungsrahmen. Aus der Berechnung sozialer Wohl-fahrtseffekte lassen sich oftmals keine Aussagen zur tatsächlichen Umsetzbarkeit einer Reform formulieren. Erst die Ergänzung der Analyse um politökonomische Parameter ermöglicht auch Aussagen zur politischen Akzeptanz und Machbarkeit einer Politikoption. / With regard to the approaching accession of Poland to the European Union (EU) this thesis analyzes the effects of different political options on agricultural production and trade. Here the Agenda 2000 and a complete liberalization of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) have been chosen. Furthermore, variations of other important parameters like population, income and different development paths for the productivity in the Polish agricultural sector are included. The simulations are run with a comparative static, partial equilibrium trade model accompanied by a Political Preference Function allowing for insights into the political economy of agricultural policy reform. The main results are as follows: A complete liberalization of the CAP leads to an increase in world market prices for once highly protected products like beef, milk and sugar. Concerning the national prices in the EU a decrease for most products is predicted. This will be followed by a drop in agricultural production and a negative agricultural trade balance for the European Union. The Agenda 2000 scenario shows an increase in the agricultural production and positive trade effects for the EU. The EU-accession of Poland under a fully liberalized policy leads to much lower prices on Polish agricultural markets. Here the production and trade effects are dominated by the development of the productivity in this sector. An EU-integration under the Agenda 2000 will also lower the prices for agricultural products, with the exeption of sugar. The trade situation will be improved. The derived Political Preference Function shows that the calculation of mere welfare effects is not sufficient for an assessment concerning the feasibility of a political reform. Here the additional analysis of the political influence of different interest groups might be a helpful tool.

The subject of the thesis is the integration of financial markets of the new member states of the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the NMS). According to the standard economic theory, the process of financial integration should be associated with several positive effects, among others a) the enforcement of the law of one price in the form of the interest rate parity, b) the smoothening and the synchronisation of the consumption growth among countries, c) the increased diversification of investors portfolios, and d) the decreased dependence of domestic investments on national savings. These envisaged effects serve in the thesis as the indicators of the integration of NMS financial markets with the global financial market. These indicators show that the degree of the financial integration differs among the NMS, despite the fact that they all went through the process of integration with the EU. However, the order of the NMS based on the degree of their financial markets integration could not have been determined as each test indicated a different order. However, most tests indicated that there is a trend towards more integration of the NMS financial markets as the dependence of the domestic consumption growth on the global consumption growth has been increasing and the dependence of domestic investments on national savings has been decreasing. Surprisingly, the indicators did not prove the hypothesis that NMS financial markets are more integrated with the financial market of the EU, despite the fact that these countries had to open their markets to investors from the EU and had to harmonize their legislative requirements. Contrary to the results of previous articles, indicators used in the thesis show that majority of the analysed puzzles in international economics disappeared for large developed markets like the USA. On the other hand, these puzzles persisted for the NMS. Given that majority of the NMS adopted euro during the period under investigation, results presented above indicate that the financial markets of the NMS were not fully integrated with the financial market of the EU and therefore one of the conditions for the existence of the optimum currency area has not been met. Such result also contradicts the hypothesis of the endogeneity of the optimum currency area as the adoption of the common currency did not improve the degree of financial market integration.

The EU integration process has led to severe changes in policy-making. On the one hand, authority shifted from the national level to the EU. On the other hand, national level executives have gained power relative to the national legislatures. However, since the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, scholars argue for a comeback of national legislatures. In Germany, parliamentary standing committees have gained considerable power throughout these developments. Nonetheless, their traditional role as policy shaper is contested among scholars. Thus, clarification of their role is needed. While, previous analysis has mainly focused on the Bundestag as a unitary actor. This thesis investigates the role of two standing committees of the Bundestag – Ausschuss für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung and Ausschuss für Gesundheit – in the EU policy-making process across two different competence areas emerging due to the Lisbon Treaty. To answer the research questions, semi-structured interviews with committee members have been conducted. The results of the study show a diverging picture. The members of the Ausschuss für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung are considerably constrained in their ability to act as a policy shaper. The members of the Ausschuss für Gesundheit can secure their policy-shaping powers to a great extent. The former committee lacks these qualities concerning the shift of an increasing amount of policy authority in agriculture to the EU, the restricted use and abilities of the Early Warning Mechanism and the constrained ability to influence the minister’s position in the Council. The members of the latter are more successful in securing policy authority in public health at the national level by making use of the EWM. Nonetheless, the restricted ability to influence the minister’s position in the Council is present, too. We can conclude that the Ausschuss für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung has inherited the role of a scrutiniser and executer meanwhile the Ausschuss für Gesundheit can be described as policy shaper.

The Czech Republic has been regarded as a little troublemaker of the EU due to its Eurosceptic stances. This phenomenon was distinct in the 2000s regardless of the state's position, whether it was just an EU candidate or already a member state. Around the time, President Vacláv Klaus and his political party (ODS), as Czech leadership, contributed to promoting the Eurosceptic governments towards the EU. It could be seen as strange that such a trait was revealed both in the midst of preparations to join the EU and after its accession when it is the proper time to present a cooperative attitude. Thus, this thesis speculates that the skeptical national identity of the Czech Republic has been constructed throughout history, particularly about 450 years from the Bohemia Kingdom to Czechoslovakia (1525~1971), and affected then Czech domestic politics to formulate the official Eurosceptic positions towards the several EU integration matters (constitutional, security, and monetary integrations). In this context, this master's thesis aims to find an objective correlation that Czech identity had an influence on then Czech Euroscepticism. This way, this thesis expects to advance knowledge concerning Czech identity and its relevance to European politics.

<p>Oвa диcepтaциje ce бaви законодавнoм функцијoм паpламентa и њeгoвим<br />oднocoм ca дpyгим кoнкpeтним инcтитyциjaмa, кoje пpeyзимajy oд парламента<br />пoвjepeнe мy надлежности, yзpoкyjyjyћи њeгoвy мapгинaлизaциjy. Oвaj пpoцec ниje<br />нoв, aли пocтaje cвe комплeкcниjи. Нa почeткy cy тo билe влaдa и политичке<br />партије, aли ce вpeмeнoм бpoj cyбjeкaтa кojи yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност<br />паpламентa пoвeћaвao. У oвoм кoнкpeтнoм питaњy, парламент ce cyoчaвa ca<br />oзбиљним изaзoвимa, диjeлeћи надлежност joш и ca шeфoм дpжaвe, ycтaвним<br />cyдoм, нeзaвиcним peгyлaтopим тиjeлимa. Нaжaлocт, тy ниje кpaj. Пpoцec<br />eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja, кpoз eвpoпcкy лeгиcлaтивy, кpeиpao je jeднy нoвy oблacт<br />законодавнe дjeлaтнocти изyзeтe oд надлежности нaциoнaлниx парламенaта.<br />Cнaжнe и вeoмa диcциплинoвaнe политичке партије дoминиpajy, нe caмo<br />политичким пpoцecимa, вeћ и кoмплeтним парламентарним пpoцeдypaмa и њиxoв<br />нapacтajyћи yтицaj yгpoжaвa пoдjeлy влacти кojy ycпocтaвљa ycтaв и пpoyзpoкyje<br />прoблeме y фyнкциoниcaњy парламентa yoпштe. C oбзиpoм нa њиxoв знaчaj, oнe cy<br />y oвoм paдy aнaлизиpaнe кao нeпocpeдни aктep, aли и индиpeктнo, кao чинилaц кojи<br />кoнтpoлишe oдpeђeнe инcтитyциje кoje yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност<br />парламента.<br />Знaчaj диcepтaциje oглeдa ce y тoмe штo oвoj пpoблeмaтици дo caдa ниje<br />пocвeћeнa пyнa пaжњa, кoja yкљyчyje пpoцec eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja и нeзaвиcниx<br />peгyлaтopниx тиjeлa. Зaкљyчaк кojи cмo дoниjeли нaкoн иcтpaживaњa je дa<br />oчиглeднo пocтojи пoтpeбa за парламентарнoм peфopмoм коja ћe yчинити<br />законодавни пocтyпaк eфикacниjим, a законодавнo тиjeлo cнaжниjим. Гeнepaлнo,<br />cмaтpaмo дa je нeoпxoднo cнaжeњe тpaдициoнaлнe пoдjeлe влacти. Диcepтaциja<br />тaкoђe пpeдлaжe cпeцифичнa кoнкpeтнa pjeшeњa y кoнтeкcтy peфopмe<br />законодавнoг пocтyпкa.</p> / <p>Ova diceptacije ce bavi zakonodavnom funkcijom paplamenta i njegovim<br />odnocom ca dpygim konkpetnim inctitycijama, koje ppeyzimajy od parlamenta<br />povjepene my nadležnosti, yzpokyjyjyći njegovy mapginalizacijy. Ovaj ppocec nije<br />nov, ali poctaje cve komplekcniji. Na početky cy to bile vlada i političke<br />partije, ali ce vpemenom bpoj cybjekata koji ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost<br />paplamenta povećavao. U ovom konkpetnom pitanjy, parlament ce cyočava ca<br />ozbiljnim izazovima, dijeleći nadležnost još i ca šefom dpžave, yctavnim<br />cydom, nezavicnim pegylatopim tijelima. Nažaloct, ty nije kpaj. Ppocec<br />evpopckix integpacija, kpoz evpopcky legiclativy, kpeipao je jedny novy oblact<br />zakonodavne djelatnocti izyzete od nadležnosti nacionalnix parlamenata.<br />Cnažne i veoma dicciplinovane političke partije dominipajy, ne camo<br />političkim ppocecima, već i kompletnim parlamentarnim ppocedypama i njixov<br />napactajyći yticaj ygpožava podjely vlacti kojy ycpoctavlja yctav i ppoyzpokyje<br />probleme y fynkcionicanjy parlamenta yopšte. C obzipom na njixov značaj, one cy<br />y ovom pady analizipane kao nepocpedni aktep, ali i indipektno, kao činilac koji<br />kontpoliše odpeđene inctitycije koje ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost<br />parlamenta.<br />Značaj diceptacije ogleda ce y tome što ovoj ppoblematici do cada nije<br />pocvećena pyna pažnja, koja ykljyčyje ppocec evpopckix integpacija i nezavicnix<br />pegylatopnix tijela. Zakljyčak koji cmo donijeli nakon ictpaživanja je da<br />očigledno poctoji potpeba za parlamentarnom pefopmom koja će yčiniti<br />zakonodavni poctypak efikacnijim, a zakonodavno tijelo cnažnijim. Genepalno,<br />cmatpamo da je neopxodno cnaženje tpadicionalne podjele vlacti. Diceptacija<br />takođe ppedlaže cpecifična konkpetna pješenja y kontekcty pefopme<br />zakonodavnog poctypka.</p> / <p>This dissertation is dealing with legislative parliament function and its relation<br />with other particular institutions that take away stipulated powers from parliament<br />causing his marginalization. This process is not new but it‟s become more complex to<br />deal with. In the beginning there was government and political parties, but during the<br />time, number of actors that threaten the legislative competence of parliament increased.<br />On this particular issue, modern parliament facing difficult challenges, sharing his<br />competence with head of the state, constitutional court, independent regulatory agencies.<br />Unfortunatelly, that is not the end. EU integration process, through the European<br />legislation, creates new area of legislative activity excluded from the national<br />parliaments.<br />Strong and highly disciplined political parties are dominating not only political<br />process but whole parliamentary procedures, and its increasing influence causes further<br />damage to separation of powers that constitution establishes and harms parliament<br />particulary. Considering their impact in this process, they are studied in this work<br />directly, and indirectly &ndash; as an acter that control other particular institutions which<br />threaten legislative competence of parliament.<br />The importance of the dissertation is reflected in the fact that this issue does not<br />have full attention including EU integration process, indepedent regulatory bodies. The<br />conslusion that we made after the research is that obviously there is a need for<br />parliamentary reform which will make law-making process more efficient, and legislative<br />body stronger. Basically, we find it necessary strengthening of the traditional separation<br />of powers. Dissertation also proposes specific solutions in the context of the law-making<br />process reform.</p>

Cette recherche porte sur la dimension interprétative de l'intégration européenne et sur son rôle dans la démocratisation au sein des pays postcommunistes. Je focalise mon attention sur la signification pour les gens desdits pays que revêtent la participation politique, la compétence politique, et l’action collective. Cette signification prend forme selon des circonstances spécifiques, agencées par les relations de pouvoir asymétriques avec l’Union européenne (UE). J’examine la littérature sur le rôle de l'intégration européenne dans la démocratisation des pays postcommunistes et je distingue deux paradigmes théoriques principaux : un premier qui met l'accent sur le processus institutionnel, l’autre sur le processus instrumental stratégique. Au sein de ces deux approches, je présente différents auteurs qui voient l'UE soit comme un facteur pro-démocratique, soit comme un facteur antidémocratique dans le contexte postcommuniste de transition politique. Cette recherche ne suit pas théoriquement et méthodologiquement les études contenues dans la revue de la littérature. Plutôt, elle s’appuie sur un modèle théorique inspiré des recherches de McFalls sur la réunification culturelle allemande après 1989. Ce modèle, sans négliger les approches institutionnelles et stratégiques, met l’accent sur d'autres écoles théoriques, interprétatives et constructivistes. Mes conclusions se basent sur les résultats de séjours d'étude dans deux pays postcommunistes : la Bulgarie, membre de l'UE depuis 2007, et la Macédoine, pays-candidat. J’ai recours à des méthodes qualitatives et à des techniques ethnographiques qui triangulent des résultats puisés à des sources multiples et variées pour exposer des trajectoires dynamiques de changement culturel influencées par l'intégration européenne. Les conclusions montrent sous quelles conditions les idéaux-types de changement politique conventionnels, soit institutionnel ou stratégique, représentent des modèles utiles. Je présente aussi leurs limitations. Ma conclusion principale est que l'intégration européenne représente un phénomène complexe dans le monde des significations. C’est un facteur qui est simultanément un amplificateur et un inhibiteur de la culture politique démocratique. Les gens créent des sous-cultures différentes où des interprétations multiples du processus d'intégration européenne mènent à des effets dissemblables sur la participation politique, la compétence et l’action collective. La conversation discursive entre les gens qui composent de telles sous-cultures distinctes peut produire des effets divergents au niveau national. Cette recherche n’est pas une analyse de l’UE comme mécanisme institutionnel ; elle ne pose ainsi pas l’UE comme une institution qui détermine directement le processus de démocratisation postcommuniste. Plutôt, elle s’intéresse au processus d’intégration européenne en tant qu’interaction qui affecte la culture politique au sein des pays postcommunistes, et à la manière dont cette dernière peut agir sur le processus de démocratisation. Mon point d’intérêt central n’est donc pas l’européanisation ou le processus de devenir « comme l’Europe », à moins que l’européanisation ne devienne une composante de la culture politique avec des conséquences sur le comportement politique des acteurs. / This research focuses on the interpretative dimension of EU integration and on its role in post-communist democratization. It offers an understanding of the significance of taking part in political life, becoming politically competent and taking part in collective actions. This significance takes shape under specific circumstances, which are part of the asymmetrical power relation with the European Union (EU). I discuss the existing literature on the role of EU integration in post-communist democratization and discern two main theoretical paradigms, which put emphasis either on institutionalist learning or on the strategic instrumental process. Within these two approaches I present authors who see the EU either as a pro-democratic or anti-democratic factor in the context of post-communist political transition. This research does not follow exactly, theoretically or methodologically, in the footsteps of the studies presented in the literature review. It starts from a theoretical model, inspired by McFalls’ research on German cultural reunification after 1989. This model, without neglecting institutional and strategic approaches, emphasizes the importance of other theoretical schools, interpretative and constructivist. My findings are based on field trips in two post-communist countries that are situated at different stages of the EU integration process: Bulgaria, which became a EU member in 2007, and Macedonia, which is a candidate country. Methodologically, I use qualitative methods and ethnographic techniques that triangulate findings from different sources into converging dynamic trajectories of cultural change under the influence of EU integration. These findings show the specific conditions under which the conventional ideal-types of political change, institutionalist and strategic, represent useful theoretical models. I also display their limitations that call for an alternative approach. I conclude that EU integration, as a complex phenomenon within the world of meaning, acts simultaneously as a booster and an inhibitor of democratic political culture. People create different subcultures where different interpretations of the EU integration process lead to dissimilar effects on their political participation, competence and collective action. Discursive conversations between people representing these different subcultures may also produce dissimilar effects on the national level. This research is not an analysis of the EU as an institutional mechanism and therefore, it is not research that takes the EU as an institution affecting post-communist democratization. This research focuses on the way the process of EU integration as an interaction affects political culture in post-communist societies, and via this influence, how it affects the process of democratization. It is not about Europeanization, understood as becoming more European-like, unless this Europeanization becomes part of political culture, which affects political behavior.