The EU25 Member States’ GDP per capita levels converged in 1994-2005. Convergence occurred at an average speed of approximately 1.5 percent per year. In the first part of this paper unconditional convergence is analyzed by looking at both β- and σ-convergence and the performances of the catch-up economies are compared, discussed and related to the convergence definition. In a second stage, the catch-up performances are analyzed in relation to theory of economic integration. Substantial increases in labor productivity explain a great deal of the catch-up for poorer economies such as the Baltic states, while increases in employment have been relatively more important for the less poorer economies such as Spain, Portugal and Slovenia. Labor productivity is further elaborated and it is found that both FDIs and internal savings have been consistently higher for the catch-up economies than the non-catching-up economies. FDIs are also assumed to have indirect effects such as promoting incorporation of technology.

This thesis aims to study the indirect effects of the Europeanization on national parties and the presence of an established national opposition towards the European Union (EU) and its effects in Sweden, as a result of the so-called conflict of Vaxholm.   The questions asked were whether or not it existed an established national opposition towards the EU, and if so, what the opposition consists of substantially. The research method, which was used, is a quantified text analysis on the chamber debates of the Swedish Riksdag and the party congresses of Socialdemokraterna. The study shows that there is an ambivalent opposition towards the EU and its effects in the aftermath of the conflict of Vaxholm.  Socialdemokraterna presented resistance, but did not manage to present apparent alternatives, which left the party with a rather indistinctive opposition. In contrast to the right-wing party, the left-wing party had some profound difficulties in positioning itself in the new and globalized economy. I therefore suggest, that it might be more providing and exhaustive to introduce Azmanova’s ideal-type analysis, which instead of positing parties on a left-right continuum, posit parties after respective party’s opinions concerning the risks or opportunities which the EU and the internal market’s effects.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

In this study, the attitude of the European Union towards the Principle of Subsidiarity and the way it utilizes this principle is analyzed. Besides putting forward the fundamental principles of subsidiarity within the historical framework that it has evolved through, the factors that made the Union adopt subsidiarity and the attitude of the Community institutions towards this principle are examined. In this regard, the role that the principle of subsidiarity has played in the European integration process so far and those that it may play in the future formation of the Union is discussed.

With the expansion of the European Union there have been concerns over increasing competition for FDI attraction between member states. This study will examine to what extent, if to any extent at all, the admission of the Central and Eastern countries to the EU has raised completion for FDI in Spain. Spain and the CEECs will be compared in terms of advantages in FDI attraction. Ultimately, evidence and analysis will suggest that given current trend, there is no serious threat to diverting foreign assets from Spain to the CEECs.

La política exterior y de seguridad de la Unión Europea (UE) varía sustancialmente dependiendo de las circunstancias específicas de cada caso. Esto es particularmente evidente en el ámbito de la no proliferación de armas de destrucción masiva (ADM). Por ejemplo, en el caso de la crisis nuclear iraní la UE se muestra un actor propio con un papel bastante coherente y enérgico, mientras que durante la disputa con Irak del 2003, la UE se porta más bien como una organización internacional profundamente dividida e incapaz de realizar acciones independientes. En la presente tesis se asume que las principales variables independientes que pueden explicar este fenómeno no son los 'intereses nacionales' sino las ideas en forma de creencias normativas y causales que sustentan la construcción de intereses, la elección de los instrumentos y, en última instancia, la política exterior colectiva. Por lo tanto, la cuestión central de esta investigación es: ¿Cómo afectan las ideas a la política exterior colectiva, en particular de la UE en el ámbito de la no proliferación?En la primera parte de la tesis, se desarrolla el marco teórico para comprender mejor la relación entre las ideas y los diferentes grados de acción colectiva por grupos de estados en materia de 'alta política.' Basado en un modelo concreto sobre el papel de las ideas en la cooperación internacional, se examina cómo funcionan estas ideas en el caso específico de la política exterior y de seguridad europea. En este sentido, se identifican cuatro grupos dominantes de ideas ('complejos de ideas') que influyen en la política europea común: 'Europa nacional,' 'Europa integracionista,' 'Europa cosmopolita' y 'Europa multilateral.' En estos complejos de ideas son particularmente importantes las creencias causales y normativas sobre seguridad, el uso de los medios y relaciones estatales. El argumento fundamental es que un número limitado de complejos de ideas hace probable el consenso en una política relativamente fuerte. Esto es particularmente cierto si se toma en consideración la maleabilidad de las ideas y el alto grado de institucionalización de grupos de estados como la UE. La competencia entre los complejos de ideas, sin embargo, deja un margen considerable para el desacuerdo. Por tanto, los complejos de ideas pueden explicar la fuerte variación de la política de la UE entre los diferentes campos de actividad.La segunda parte de la tesis analiza empíricamente la política europea en el ámbito de la no proliferación de ADM. Se han elegido tres casos de estudio: (a) una comparación entre las políticas de la UE durante la crisis nuclear iraní y la invasión estadounidense de Iraq; (b) los esfuerzos desiguales de la UE contra la proliferación en el sur y este de la vecindad europea, y (c) las políticas de la UE hacia las instituciones internacionales de no proliferación a la luz del concepto de 'multilateralismo eficaz.' El objetivo es demostrar cómo las ideas influyen en la práctica la política exterior desigual de la UE bajo situaciones diferentes. Del análisis de los estudios de caso se pueden extraer tres conclusiones principales: en primer lugar, el consenso en la UE para la acción colectiva sólo es posible si ciertos límites relativos a la percepción de seguridad, la utilización de medios y las relaciones con otros estados no se cruzan; en segundo lugar, la necesidad de un equilibrio entre los complejos de ideas opuestos explican la política frecuentemente moderada de la UE ('equilibrio de ideas'); y, por último, las ideas como 'multilateralismo eficaz' se pueden utilizar de manera limitada como un foco para fomentar la cohesión, coherencia y legitimidad de la UE en los asuntos internacionales. / The foreign and security policy outputs of the European Union (EU) vary substantially depending on the issue at stake. This has been particularly clear in the field of non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). For example, in the case of the Iranian nuclear crisis, the EU shows the characteristics of a fairly coherent and forceful actor in its own right, whereas during the 2003 Iraq standoff the EU is merely a deeply divided international organization incapable of independent action. The dissertation argues that the principal independent variables that can explain this phenomenon are not 'national interests' but ideas in the form of normative and causal beliefs, which underpin the construction of interests, the choice of instruments and, ultimately, collective foreign policy outputs. Hence, the central research question is: How do ideas affect collective foreign policy output, in particular by the EU in the field of non-proliferation?In the first part, the dissertation develops a theoretical framework to understand better the relation between ideas and the different degrees of collective action by groups of states in matters of 'high politics.' Based on a concrete model outlining the role of ideas in international cooperation, it continues examining theoretically how ideas work in the specific case of the European foreign and security policy. In this regard, it identifies four dominant sets of ideas ('idea complexes') that influence common European policy output: 'national Europe,' 'integrationist Europe,' 'cosmopolitan Europe' and 'multilateral Europe.' In these idea complexes, causal and normative beliefs about security, the use of means and state relations are particularly important. The key argument is that the limited number of relatively malleable foreign policy idea complexes makes consensus for relatively forceful policy output likely, in particular taking into consideration the high degree of institutionalization of groups of states such as the EU. The competition between idea complexes leaves, however, substantial room for disagreement. Therefore, idea complexes can explain the EU's strong output variation between different fields of activity.The second part of the dissertation analyzes empirically the EU's policy in the field of non-proliferation of WMD. Three specific case studies have been chosen: (a) a comparison between the EU policies during the Iranian nuclear crisis and the US led invasion of Iraq; (b) the EU's uneven non-proliferation efforts in the Southern and Eastern neighbourhood; and (c) EU policies towards international non-proliferation institutions in light of the concept of 'effective multilateralism.' The aim is to demonstrate how ideas influence in practice the uneven EU foreign policy output in different situations. Three major conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the case studies: First, consensus in the EU on collective action is only possible, if certain limits regarding security perception, use of means and relations with other states are not crossed; secondly, the need for striking a balance between competing idea complexes explains the frequently moderate policy output by the EU ('ideational balancing'); and, finally, ideas such as 'effective multilateralism' can be used to a limited extent as focal points to foster cohesion, coherence and legitimacy of the EU in international affairs.

A qualitative document analysis is used to answer the aim of this thesis that is to find out if the relation between the European Union and Belarus has changed from confrontational to reparational in between the two parliamentary elections that was held in the country in the years of 2004 and 2008. The study focuses on debates from the European parliament in association to the elections in Belarus to see if the rhetoric used in the debates have changed. It is found that the rhetoric used in the European parliament after the 2004 election in Belarus are extremely confrontational and the members of the debate expresses their thoughts of Belarus in a rather harsh way. It has also been found that the rhetoric used in the European parliament after the 2008 election in Belarus are more diplomatic and have the tendencies of a warmer relation to Belarus although there are still some confrontational views among the members.