This research comprehensively analyses how the CJEU and the WTO Tribunals interact with each other. The CJEU has refused to grant direct effect to the WTO's rulings based on unconvincing reasoning, but this has been deemed acceptable because it is necessary to preserve the scope of manoeuvre of the EU's political institutions, and the application of the consistent interpretation principle to the WTO's rulings could balance out the absence of direct effect. So far, the CJEU has cautiously applied the consistent interpretation principle to the WTO's rulings. While the CJEU has construed EU legislation in conformity with the DSB's reports, it did so without referring to such reports. In the future, the CJEU should regularly and explicitly interpret EU law in a manner that is consistent with the WTO's rulings. Moreover, the CJEU's case law reveals that the Nakajima exception's application has been limited, and transformed into a method of the consistent interpretation doctrine. Thus, the CJEU should apply the Nakajima exception in cases where the EU has amended its legislation to implement the WTO's rulings, and interpret the amended legislation consistently with the WTO's rulings. The absence of direct effect for WTO's rulings produces an excessive burden on the EU Member States and their citizens. Therefore, when the reasonable period of time has passed and the EU has not taken any action, or when the compliance panel announces that the amended legislation still infringes on WTO law, the CJEU should grant direct effect to the WTO's rulings. Moreover, WTO tribunals rarely refer to related CJEU judgments to support their decisions. Therefore, when WTO tribunals have to rule on a matter that the CJEU has already decided on and they agree with the decision, they should apply the consistent interpretation principle to the CJEU's decision.

This is a comparative study which asked the central research question of whether domestic conditions or the European Union's policy approach best explained whether the EU was able to engage with potential new member states. Three cases of post-Communist states in the EU's immediate neighbourhood were studied: Poland, Croatia and Ukraine, over the time period 1990 to 2013. The interplay between external and domestic factors was studied in terms of the policy approach employed by the EU, the receptiveness of political elites to EU influence, and the level of pro-EU civil society activity. The evidence from this study seems to suggest that the EU policy approach was successful with potential member states in Central and Eastern Europe, such as Poland, although the problem of democratic backsliding post-accession later emerged, to which the EU had no immediate policy approach. The EU's policy approach in the Western Balkans appears to have had some success, seen in the case of Croatia, but it is unclear whether this success will be replicated in the more problematic cases, such as Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. The EU's policy approach through its European Neighbourhood Policy has not been successful in the East, exemplified in the case of Ukraine. Domestic factors, and in particular the receptivity of the political elite to EU influence, appear to remain the most important in explaining whether the EU is able to engage with potential new member states. The EU's policy approach to engaging with pro-EU civil society does not appear to be successful, at least in the short to medium term. It is argued that the EU needs to develop a more flexible policy approach in order to be better able to take advantage of ‘windows of opportunity' that arise. In addition, the EU should enhance its policy approach to co-ordinate its efforts more closely with other relevant external actors.

European national party systems have reflected in different ways the major influence of the Eurozone crisis on individual countries. The focus of my project concerns this exact diversity and the main research question is formed as follows: How have European national party systems responded to the Eurozone crisis? In particular, I looked at the degree of party system fragmentation and polarisation, the degree of salience of the EU issue, and government composition in four European countries: Germany, the UK, Ireland, and Greece, during the years 2008-early 2016. Although the main causal condition of the project is the Eurozone crisis (economic conditions), several cross-case and country-specific intervening factors were examined in order to identify possible reasons behind the responses of national party systems to the crisis. Data were gathered through expert surveys and interviews with experts and political actors. The results showed the new era of the national party systems in Europe, which started in 2008 and transformed massively national politics by revealing the power of combined long-term trends and a sudden turmoil. The changes were of different degrees at the various systems depending on their structural characteristics. Old and new minor parties gained ground in all the four cases by promoting their anti-mainstream profile and by activating a pro-/anti-establishment divide. The results revealed some intriguing patterns in the party system response, among mostly diverse cases and confirmed how domestic conditions and issues had the lead over international events, even if the latter are as significant as the Eurozone crisis. The Eurozone crisis played a massive role in party system structures. Although that was the case mainly with the countries with poor economic performance during the recession years, the crisis had a significant impact on the way parties related and competed in all of the cases, as it exposed underlying transformations and simmering issues in the national party systems. This showed that we need to link short- and long-term transitions with national political structures and international events in order to understand party system change. An underlying establishment/anti-establishment cleavage, which found a channel of expression during the crisis, cut across traditional lines of competition and appeared likely to determine future developments in the national party systems. Finally, the EU issue was operationalised in different ways in each system and by each party, but in any case it needed to be highlighted through the discussions over salient domestic issues.

One of the most striking aspects of the eurozone crisis is its asymmetric impact. Detrimental economic and political consequences have resonated across Europe, but peripheral countries have been most severely affected. Individual peripheral countries have followed dramatically different paths to crisis, making it difficult to speak of the crisis as a single phenomenon. Bringing literature from Comparative Political Economy (CPE) on capitalist diversity into dialogue with scholarship on Europeanisation, this thesis develops the concept of modernisation via Europeanisation in order to explore the much overlooked ways in which the negotiation of European integration has been generative of divergence of the European periphery. To capture this asymmetry, I investigate the origins of the eurozone crisis across three cases – Greece, Portugal and Ireland. I study the active attempt by these countries to negotiate and adapt to a ‘one-size-fits-all' model of European integration. This approach sheds light on how adaptation to Europe inadvertently resulted in the generation of fragile, hybrid, models of growth in each of the three countries. These findings have significant implications for how we understand the origins of the crisis. They suggest that it has been the European periphery's attempt to ‘follow the rules' of European Integration, rather than their failure or inability to do so, that explains their current difficulties. This novel reading of the origins of the eurozone crisis directly challenges settled common-senses in existing literature. The eurozone crisis cannot be explained by narratives which stress the ‘immaturity' of the countries of the European Periphery. Neither can it be explained by more critical narratives which understand the periphery as a victim of German ‘economic domination'. Instead, the relative severity of the crisis in the periphery can be explained by the EU's obstinate promotion of a single model of convergence which has generated a variety of different European economic trajectories.

The thesis deals with an analysis of economic development of the unified Germany and provides characteristics of its position within the European Union. In the first three chapters basic economic indicators (GDP growth, inflation rate, unemployment and foreign trade) are used in order to describe German economic development. The first chapter focuses on the German economy in the 1990s, the second chapter is concerned with the German economic development from the beginning of the third millennium till the year 2007 and the third chapter deals with the German economy from the rise of the crisis till the year 2010. The last chapter points out the role of Germany within the European integration process.

Since the second half of the 20th century in Asia is evident the emergence of the new centers of economic growth. The success of the Asian newly industrialized countries is followed by different in character but also dynamic development of the Asian newly industrialized countries of the second generation. The growing economic powers in Asia as also in global measures are China and India. The importance of these countries in the context of the global economy will be likely to increase. However, these countries face many typical for developing countries constraints of the economic and social development. This paper describes the European Union's approach to development cooperation with the states of South and Southeast Asia, its application, effectiveness, and in particular the importance of modern optimal growth of these countries for the future of the EU in terms of its growth and sustainable development.

The aim of the diploma thesis Analysis of international economic relations between the EU and Brazil and Mexico was to describe and analyze the current situation of Brazilian and Mexican economies and their relations with the European Union. The thesis is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter is introduced Federative Republic of Brazil, in the second chapter United Mexican States. Both chapters have the same structure - general information, economic characteristics including basic macroeconomic indicators, sectors of the economy, foreign trade and foreign direct investment. The last chapter is dedicated to foreign policy, presentation of the integration MERCOSUR and NAFTA, and analysisof the relationship between the EU and Brazilian and Mexican economies.

This thesis deals with the europeanisation of the German asylum policy. It gives overview of the field of studying europeanisation -- ist development, terminology and various attitudes towards this topic. The tesis tries to resolve the question, whether German asylum policy and its major changes in the 90s were affected by the EU, or if Germany actively tries to influence the common European asylum policy.

El presente trabajo de tesis tiene como propósito conocer aquellos factores que limitan las importaciones de ropa de diseñador para niños desde la Unión Europea hacia Perú, en particular a la ciudad de Lima. En el capítulo dos, se describe el marco teórico que detallan los conceptos y teorías consideradas como una referencia para desarrollar el estudio y una presentación del entorno comercial tomado de fuentes secundarias que permiten entender mejor el ambiente en el que se desarrolla el sector de confecciones del Perú. En el capítulo tres, se presentan tanto la pregunta de investigación, los objetivos como las hipótesis planteadas que luego se procederán a contrastar. En el capítulo cuatro, se explica la metodología de la investigación, el tipo de la investigación, la técnica y el instrumento utilizado, además se identificó la muestra y las categorías empleadas en el estudio. En el capítulo cinco, se realizó el análisis de los datos y los resultados de las entrevistas realizadas a los segmentos de importadores, consumidores, diseñadores, representantes de entidades gubernamentales y especialistas del sector privado. Finalmente en el capítulo seis, se presentaron los hallazgos, las barreras y brechas de la investigación, las conclusiones y las recomendaciones resultado de la presente investigación. / The purpose of this thesis is to know those factors that limit imports of designer clothes for children from the European Union to Peru, in particular to the city of Lima. In chapter two, we describe the theoretical framework that details the concepts and theories considered as a reference to develop the study and a presentation of the commercial environment taken from secondary sources that allow us to better understand the environment in which the clothing sector of the Peru. In chapter three, we present both the research question, the objectives and the hypotheses that will then be tested. In chapter four, the research methodology, the type of research, the technique and the instrument used are explained, the sample and the categories used in the study were also identified. In chapter five, the analysis of the data and the results of the interviews with the segments of importers, consumers, designers, representatives of government entities and specialists from the private sector was carried out. Finally, in chapter six, the findings, barriers and gaps of the investigation, the conclusions and the recommendations resulting from the present investigation were presented. / Tesis

L'émancipation économique et politique d'un groupe restreint de pays, notamment la Chine, l'Inde et le Brésil, a stimulé un nouveau programme de recherche en Relations internationales et inspiré la notion de «puissances émergentes». Avec un malaise multilatéral, évident par un nombre significatif des blocages dans certaines négociations internationales, et l'émergence d'influentes coalitions Sud-Sud, les analyses concernant les effets de ces nouvelles voix sont devenues incontournables. Pour explorer les continuités et les transformations de la coopération multilatérale dans un contexte d'absence de leadership et d'une autorité souvent contestée, cette recherche part du cas du Brésil et du partenariat stratégique Brésil-UE. L'objectif est de saisir les réalités de la construction des normes multilatérales à partir de la perspective d'une puissance émergente et ses relations avec une puissance établie qui est très intéressée à la promotion d'un ordre international fondé sur des règles. Pour accomplir cette tâche, la présente thèse analyse la raison d'être de ce partenariat stratégique, ainsi que le comportement diplomatique du Brésil pendant l'ère du président Lula (2003-2010) dans trois domaines spécifiques: le commerce, le développement durable et la sécurité. Cette analyse se développe en perspective avec le point de vue de l'UE sur chacun des thèmes choisis. D'un point de vu empirique, je défends qu'il existe un modèle de comportement diplomatique UE-Brésil dans lequel la promotion du multilatéralisme comme une norme est en effet une réalité. Cependant, après avoir examiné un certain nombre d'études de cas, il est évident que cette convergence et cette préférence sont confrontées à des défis importants. Dans ce sens, la thèse conduit à la conclusion que le Brésil et l'UE sont des partenaires stratégiques sans une stratégie. Une raison centrale en est qu’il est devenu plus difficile pour les puissances traditionnelles de convaincre le Brésil qu'il doit suivre les règles de forme, forgées notamment par l'Union européenne et les États-Unis. A travers l'exemple de la montée en puissance du Brésil, cette recherche a le mérite de favoriser la connaissance des forces motrices d'interactions et d'interdépendances mondiales, à une époque de transition du pouvoir sur la scène internationale. / The economic and political empowerment of a select group of countries, notably China, India, and Brazil, stimulated a new agenda of research among International Relations scholars and inspired the notion of "rising powers." With a multilateral malaise, evident through a significant number of deadlocked international negotiations (i.e. trade, climate change), and the emergence of influential South-South coalitions, analyses that could understand the effects of these new voices became pressing. To explore the shifting conditions of multilateral cooperation under a scenario of blurred leadership and contested authority, this research departs from the case of Brazil and the Brazil-EU strategic partnership. The goal is to grasp the realities of multilateral norm building from the perspective of a rising power and through its relations with an established power that is highly interested in the promotion of a rule-based order. To accomplish this task, this thesis analyzes the rationale behind the strategic partnership, as well as Brazil's diplomatic negotiating behavior mostly during the era of President Lula (2003-2010) in three specific policy areas: trade, sustainable development and security. This analysis develops in perspective to the EU's viewpoint on each of the selected issues. From an empirical stance, I claim that there is a pattern in the Brazil-EU diplomatic behavior in which the promotion of multilateralism as a norm is indeed a reality. However, after looking at a number of case studies, it became clear that this convergence and preference has significant shortcomings. The thesis argues that Brazil and the EU are strategic partners without a strategy. One central reason for this is that it became harder and harder for the established powers to convince Brazil that it should follow the rules shaped notably by the EU and the US. This research has the merit to foster knowledge on the driving forces of global interactions and interdependencies in an era of power transition.