The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining. According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations. In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government. Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance. When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis attempts to analyse the ways in which, a minority responds to varying situations of oppression in a racially structured environment. In order to explicate what constitutes oppression, an historical survey of major legislation affecting Indians in South Africa is outlined. This reveals different techniques used by the dominant group to ward off challenges to its power by counter elites, from direct suppression to neutralisation and co-optation. The reactions of Indians to these changes,and the impact of these responses on their relationship with the dominant group as well as with other subordinate groups at the political, economic, educational and social level guides the focus of this investigation. More specifically, the political behaviour of Indians is examined, (a) in alliance and conflicts with other subordinate groups, particularly Africans, (b) in developing complementary interests with some members of the superordinate group, (c) in. intra-' communal class or status-group based divisions and factions, and (d) in political introversion and inactivity through cultural exclusivism and cultural immersion. Research procedures used during three periods of field work in Natal included the recording of 86 informal interviews, the content analysis of various official and private documents on Indian affairs^nd the collection of essays written by 65 Indian university students as so-called "future autobiographies". The major literature on race relations and minority behaviour in other societal contexts is critically reviewed regarding the applicability of its concepts and models to the South African case. The political behaviour of Indians would seem to indicate how the dialectic of resistance and acquiescence operates in particular historical circumstances. Indeed, neither class consciousness nor ethnicity in themselves constitute satisfactory concepts for generalizations and predictions. Which bond is successfully activated would seem to depend on the specific historical context and perceptions of interest. These proved to have undergone considerable changes, according to the emerging social stratification of the group, despite the common experience of racial discrimination. Predominant Indian political reactions under future majority rule in an African-dominated government would above all depend on the as yet unpredictable policies at that stage, the degree of animosity experienced, and the kind of security awarded to the vulnerable and, therefore, ambivalent, suspicious -"strangers" in between. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree in Masters of Technology in Chiropractic, Department of Chiropractic and Somatology, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Introduction: Evidence suggests that Indians are at a greater risk of developing chronic diseases due to their unhealthy diet and sedentary lifestyle. The increased emphasis placed on exercise and diet in preventative regimens is altering related mortality and morbidity. Physical activity plays a role in the prevention of coronary heart disease and other chronic diseases which occur at a higher rate in inactive people. Despite the need for exercise to improve health, no study has examined the exercise profile of Indians in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, their exercise patterns and motivations regarding exercise. Aim: This study determined the patterns of exercise participation by Indians residing in KwaZulu- Natal (KZN). Methodology: A quantitative, descriptive, cross sectional survey was used in this study. The study was conducted at the Durban North Beach on selected weekends during August and September 2015. The target population was South African Indians. A convenience sample was used, that is, potential participants, who were at North Beach on the data collection days were approached with a request to participate in the study. Following the signing of an informed consent form, data was collected by means of a self-administered questionnaire. A total of 450 self-administered questionnaires were handed out and 411 completed questionnaires were received. Descriptive statistics in the form of frequencies, means and standard deviations were calculated. Relationships between two variables were determined using chi-squared tests, Fisher’s Exact test, Pearson’s correlation test, as appropriate. Odds ratios were calculated where relevant. A p value less than 0.05 was considered statistically significant. Results: The mean age of respondents was 37.7 ± 13.7 years. The majority (70.1%) participants reported that they currently exercise. However, only 42.9% of the respondents were found to meet the international requirement of 150 minutes of physical activity per week. When unstructured physical activity, such as household and yard chores were added, the latter frequency increased to 45.3%. Physical activity levels were similar across all age groups, likewise, similar proportions of males and females exercised. The most common exercises performed included walking (45.5%) and jogging (25.3%). Gymnasiums (33.5%), public grounds (25.3%) and the beachfront (21.4%) were the most commonly used locations for physical activity. One third of these respondents reported their health conditions as their main reason for exercising and most were aware about the value of exercise. Respondents who did not exercise regularly cited time management for their lack of exercise. Conclusion: The prevalence of exercise among South African Indians is low, with less than half of the population being physically active. Interventions are required to make people aware of the benefits of physical activity in order to increase the prevalence of exercise in this population. / M

This dissertation challenges the populism paradigm, which is currently the most popular explanation of the developments of the past decade in Indian politics. Contesting this prevailing explanation, I offer an alternative diagnosis of the disease ailing democratic politics in India today—the rise of “political drama,” a degraded form of political practice that has arisen thanks to the rapid spread of news television. Through a study of three political campaigns, the Salt Satyagraha of 1930, the Anna Hazare movement of 2011, and Narendra Modi’s electoral campaign of 2014, I trace the advent and subsequent elaboration of this theatrical form of political practice. This historical study is, moreover, foregrounded against a theory of democratic practice that has been tailored especially for India, and which conceptualizes the democratic process in India as the process of “publicity.” Against this theoretical background, political drama is shown to be a degraded form of publicity.

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Thesis (M.Sc.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, Faculty of Medicine, 1999. / Typescript. Bibliography: leaves 98-104.

This study examines the factors influencing the spatial distribution of the Indian communities of Grahamstown, King William's Town, Queenstown and Uitenhage from 1880 to 1991. Primary sources of information were used to determine both the spatial distribution of the four communities and the factors influencing the distribution found. These primary sources included the use of directories, municipal and archival sources of information, interviews as well the work of various authors. The study found that the spatial distribution of Indians in the four study areas were similar with the Indians occupying residential and commercial premises in the central areas of the urban centres. After 1980 there was a substantial movement to other areas. Prior to 1950 the municipalities played an important role in influencing spatial distribution. However, after the introduction of the Group Areas Act, the govennment controlled Indian spatial distribution. Thus the Group Areas Act was the most important factor affecting Indian spatial distribution. Indians in small urban centres in the Cape Province were segregated and their spatial distribution was controlled both prior to and after 1950. Anti-Indian legislation and restrictions were the main factors influencing Indian spatial distribution.

Relationships between acculturative stress, self esteem, and ethnic identity were studied with 2nd generation male and female Sikh adolescents in grade 8, 9, and 10. Students were given the Cawte Acculturative Stress Scale, Coopersmith Self Esteem Inventory, and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure. Overall, 2nd generation Sikh students were found to have a high level of acculturative stress. Within the multiple regression analysis of Acculturative Stress scores on the Full scale and Subscale scores of Self Esteem, significant relationships were found for the Full scale score and the General Self Esteem score. A multiple regression analysis of Acculturative Stress and Full scale and Subscales of Ethnic Identity did not result in any significant relationships. A Stepwise Regression analysis included as the independent variables all the Full scale and Subscale scores for Self Esteem and Ethnic Identity. It resulted in only three independent variables with significant b weights, General Self Esteem, Social Self Esteem and Ethnic Behaviors, which combined accounted for 43% of the variance (r=.66). Gender differences were found with males having significantly higher scores on Acculturative Stress and lower scores on Affirmation/belonging and Social Self Esteem than females. The school that a student attended was found to be related to scores on Other Group Orientation, General Self Esteem, Home/peers Self Esteem,and Full scale Self Esteem. The ethnic label that a student subscribes is a good indicator of the scores on the Full Scale and Subscales of Ethnic Identity. / Education, Faculty of / Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education (ECPS), Department of / Graduate

Thesis (M.Tech.: Radiography)-Dept. of Radiography, Durban University of Technology, 2008. xxi, 146 leaves, Appendices A-S / The main aim of this study, was to assess the prevalence of coronary artery calcification in asymptomatic risk and non risk individuals in the South African Indian population, within the age group of 20-70 years.