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This thesis from a constructivist approach to explore the neoliberal interdependence theory, the structural power of nationalism theory, in constructed out of Mainland China to control the East Asian system, how restricting contact sign, Taiwan and Thailand the opportunities of Economic Cooperation Agreement (ECA). Learned from the theory and data analysis, we know that Thailand is relatively dependent on the extent of Taiwan, and the interdependence of economic and social exchange behavior of multi-track each other. Although the basis of comparative advantage that favor positive contact Taiwan and Thailand signed the ECA and the optimum behavior of integration, limited to the new amendment to Article 190 of the Constitution of Thailand must get Congress to vote on the signing of an international agreement approved by the provisions, as well as the rise of Mainland China in East Asia caused by nationalism asymmetry interdependent the structural power constraints, resulting in consistent sign of Taiwan and Thailand ECA system failure, the phenomenon of zero, contrary to the rules of the market liberal institutionalism theory. How to break through Mainland China in the East Asian the structural power system constructed of path dependence, reversing the international status of Taiwan disadvantage, from the analysis of the theory, competence structure and fieldwork, Taiwan and Thailand signed ECA feasibility contact program with specific practices.

Abstract Chinese civil war broke out in 1949. The Nationalist government moved to Taiwan (Chiang Kai-shek regime) and proposed "The legitimate government does not coexist with rebels" and vowed to "retake the mainland China" and also brought up other slogans as well. They also took Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu as counterattack base. Therefore, the tensions of cross-strait relations were at daggers drawn. Our government hasn¡¦t lifted the ban to the mainland China to visit relatives until 1987. In 1992, "Koo-Wang talks" for each session made a significant progress in establishing cooperation premise of the "1992 consensus". Gradually, the cross-strait relations have become moderate, but the regime of the mainland China still doesn¡¦t give up forcing against Taiwan. Since the Ma government took office in 2008, they have devoted to promoting the peaceful progress of cross-strait relations and restarting cross-strait economic cooperation and contact channels for cultural exchanges as well. The government even signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) with the mainland China to prevent Taiwan from the Asian market marginalization on June 29, 2010. The new government is actively reflecting on the impasse between the two sides resulting in Taiwan's development of the stagnant status quo and brainstorm for a breakthrough in the Road; on the other hand, continued economic development of the mainland China will make their influence in the global much dramatically. In particular, Chinese President Hu Jin-Tao in Beijing proposed six new advocates to Taiwan to commemorate <Compatriots in Taiwan> in 30th anniversary commemorative meeting on December 31, 2008. The sixth point mentioned that the two sides can explore the establishment of a military security mechanism of mutual trust. They also called for the two sides to include the full range of military and other exchange, and thus achieve the signing of a peace agreement. Owing to the fact that confidence building measures is the process and catalyst for signing a peace agreement with two sides, we can accumulate experiences from cross-strait interaction and establish mutual trust by the confidence building measures. Furthermore, we can lay the foundation for further engaged in peace talks. Consequently, in the turning point of history, it goes without saying that the importance of confidence building measures.

Military strategy is in serve to national interests, which is the basic idea underpin this research. The subject of this thesis is ¡§Military Strategy of People's Liberation Army (PLA) toward Taiwan. The context of this thesis divided into six chapters: 1.Motivation, methodology, framework, target of this research and the definition of military strategy. 2. The change of world system and how it impacts the national interests of Mainland China.3.The national strategies of Mainland China.4. Analyzing the military strategies and actions which might be undertaken by PLA to attack Taiwan.5. The strategies of Taiwan's national military strategy against PLA is¡§effective deterrence and strong defense posture¡¨6.Perspective of the Taiwan's future national security .the damage control from Taiwan in the eventual military activities against PLA will be to strike the enemy before it reached the Taiwan's coast.

Since the founding of the PRC to the present, the period was due to the transitions in political and economic institutional factors made the differences of the developmental pattern of China¡¦s regional economy, and the development of regional economy become more and more diverse with China expanded the extent of the Open Door Policy. In particular, the founding of the Southern-West Regional Economic Cooperation is the breakthrough of the developmental pattern of China¡¦s regional economy after China¡¦s Decentralization Policy. Thus, the research focuses on analyzing the development of the Southern-West Regional Economic Cooperation to treat about the developmental pattern of China¡¦s regional economy. The research uses the systematic analyzing process (Input-output analysis) to treat about the building and development of the economic cooperation from three systematic levels of national, regional and provincial respectively. The input factors of the research focuses on national policy, it includes China¡¦s foreign trade policy, foreign direct investment policy and regional economic development policy respectively. It is treated about how the factors influenced the development of China¡¦s regional economy in Chapter Three? The output factors are treated about how does the building and development of the economic cooperation in Chapter Four and Five? The feedback and revision of the research treat about how to improve the derivational problems through the collaboration with GMS in Chapter Six? Finally, Chapter Seven treats about what does the effects and findings to the present developmental pattern of China¡¦s regional economy through analyzing the development of the economic cooperation?

The institutionalization of a social clause in an agreement which is binding among the signatories is difficult to support as it always entails having to touch issues like protectionism, and political, economic and cultural hegemony. The barrier of distrust between the "pro" and the "anti" social clause groups has become too deeply entrenched in the Asia Pacific to elicit a consensus that can be embodied in a ratified agreement. It is in this light that the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum seems to be a more practicable approach. This, thesis begins on the recognition that APEC exists and the Philippines is actively participating in it — the critical issue now is to make it an institution that will safeguard labor rights, not contribute further to their violation. Vital to the understanding of APEC is that it is more of a process rather than a solid institution. The APEC process is consensus-based and therefore functions well as a vessel for the harmonious and beneficial navigation by member economies of the treacherous waters of global trade. Because of the apparent voluntary character of member countries' commitments, some cause-oriented groups consider this process as an opportunity for interjecting social issues in APEC trade discussions by influencing civil society and thereby ultimately putting pressure on their respective governments to include these issues in the countries' individual commitments. This thesis is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter gives a historical analysis of the Philippines' journey toward trade liberalization in an increasingly globalizing world economy. The early stages of the country's trade liberalization program were plagued by a fundamental problem: the policies at the macro-economic level conflicted with the goal of liberalization, for they were hinged on an unsustainable level of foreign borrowing and on domestic politics of corruption and exploitation of human resource. The second chapter analyses the APEC objectives of free trade and the Philippines' trade liberalization commitments within that forum. It is argued that the country's bold and unilateral initiatives toward the fulfillment of the Bogor Declaration are unsustainable because of the government's misplaced fundamentals of competitiveness and lack of social support measures. The third chapter is a theoretical review of the linkage between the social clause and the liberal trading order with references to the North-South divide. It is argued that given a basically similar rationale — rejection of protectionism and of exploitation of labor — there could be an alternative path between the two opposing camps through which labor rights can be discussed and considered in a regional trade forum. The concluding chapter explores the different ways with which the labor movement can tap the human development and sustainable development aspects of the APEC forum. There is a need to develop and utilize a counter-consciousness in policy making which will inject a critical approach to the Philippines' ardent drive to attain global competitiveness. It is concluded that there is a possibility of creating a political space for non-government organizations (NGOs), private organizations (POs) and social movements to meaningfully participate in the APEC process and help in safeguarding social concerns, particularly labor rights.

This study applies Deutsch’s security community framework to the states of Southeast Asia in order to assess whether or not, as at September 2002, there exist dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study has three primary goals. The first is to develop the framework so it may better reflect the realities of interstate and communal relations in Southeast Asia. The second is to assess whether or not Southeast Asia has in fact moved beyond the construction of a nascent security community where there exists adequate empirical evidence to suggest a future sustainable course towards ‘dependable expectations of peaceful change’. The third seeks to analyse the potential for Southeast Asia, as a community of states, to evolve to the higher tiers of integration and be characterised as a mature security community, where disputes between states and state-elites will be resolved without recourse to violence. In investigating these tasks, the dissertation considers a broad range of issues, including (but not limited to): the multilateral security frameworks embracing the region; the impact of ethnic and religious tensions as well as non-traditional security issues (with a focus here on narcotics and piracy); and the impact of terrorism and the recent economic crisis on the normative behaviours and ideologies of state elites throughout the region. It is found that while a substantial degree of interaction, integration and cooperation has developed in Southeast Asia, these developments have been insufficient to alleviate a number of traditional security issues and tensions (such as border and territorial conflicts). Consequently, there exists only a transient sense of expectations of peaceful change throughout Southeast Asia and this level of integration is characterised by the dissertation to represent nothing more than the embryonic phase of a security community’s evolution.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Western Michigan University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-178).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Temple University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-102).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pittsburgh, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 313-344).