Depuis le début des années 2000, la Chine et la RPDC (« Corée du Nord) ont tenté de mettre en œuvre des programmes de coopération économique et d’intégration transfrontalière. Ces programmes de coopération ont été facilité par des politiques réformatrices en Corée du Nord, la famine des années 1990 ayant fait prendre conscience à Pyongyang qu’un certain degré de réforme économique était nécessaire pour reprendre le contrôle et relancer une économie désorganisée et appauvrie. En conséquence, les échanges et les investissements entre la Chine et la RPDC ont connu une hausse spectaculaire. Ceci étant, les expérimentations politiques menées par Pyongyang, dont notamment les Zones Économiques Spéciales, n’ont pas réussi à attirer l‘attention des entrepreneurs et des officiels chinois.A travers l’étude empirique d’une selection de Zones Économiques Spéciales et de leurs environnements politiques et législatifs, des entretiens avec des hommes d’affaires chinois impliqués dans les relations économiques bilatérales à la frontière et des observations sur le terrain en Corée du Nord, l’auteur développe l’idée selon laquelle les stratégies d’engagement économiques chinoises et les politiques de développement économique nord-coréennes sont fondamentalement incompatibles, ce qui fait des actuellespratiques de coopération économique une source de tensions politiques. Il semblerait que la Chine a en effet essayé d’atteindre certains objectifs politiques et géopolitiques à travers des outils économiques, ce qui est vu par Pyongyang comme une ingérence dans ses affaires internes. Ces stratégies chinoises sont particulièrement intéressantes à étudier dans le contexte de l’initiative « One Belt, One Road ». Paradoxalement, l’auteur cherche à expliquer que les plus récentes générations de Zones Économiques Spéciales ne visent pas seulement à faciliter une certaine forme d’intégration économique bilatérale mais incarnent dans le même temps une forme de résistance à l’étreinte économique chinoise. / Since the beginning of the 2000’s, China and the DPRK (North Korea) have tried to implement economic cooperation and crossborder-economic integration programs. These cooperation programs have been facilitated by reformist policies in the DPRK, as the 1990 decade famine that struck North Korea convinced the Pyongyang leadership that some degree of economic reform was needed to restart and regain control over a greatly damaged economy. As a result, trade and investment ties between China and North Korea soared. However, political experimentations by the Pyongyang leadership, such as Special Economic Zones, have attracted limited attention from Chinese entrepreneurs and officials.Through an empirical analysis of a selection of North Korean Special Economic Zones and related policies, interviews with Chinese businessmen active in the borderlands as well as anecdotal evidence gathered in the DPRK, the author argues that Chinese economic engagement policies and North Korea’s economic development strategy bear structural incompatibilities which makes the current economic cooperation patterns a source of diplomatic and political friction. It seems that China has indeed been trying to achieve different political and geopolitical objectives through economic means, which largely resonates with the larger Chinese-led “One Belt, one Road” initiative” but is seen as interfering from Pyongyang. Quite paradoxically, the author argues that later generations of Special Economic Zones do not only constitute institutions designed to foster economic integration between China and the DPRK but also embody political resistance to the Chinese economic embrace. / Seit dem Beginn der 2000er Jahre haben China und die Demokratische Volksrepublik Korea (Nordkorea) versucht, eine wirtschaftliche Kooperation und grenzüberschreitende wirtschaftliche Integrationsprogramme zu implementieren. Diese Projekte wurden durch reformorientierte Politik in der DPRK ermöglicht, da die Hungersnot, welche Nordkorea in den 90er Jahren heimsuchte, die Pjöngjanger Führung überzeugte, dass ein gewisser Grad an wirtschaftlichen Reformen nötig sei, um die schwer beschädigte Wirtschaft neu zu starten und über sie Kontrolle auszuüben. Infolgedessen steigerten sich der Handel und die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen insgesamt zwischen China und Nordkorea auf ein noch nie da gewesenes Niveau. Jedoch haben politische Experimente der Führung in Pyongyang, einschließlich eines direkten „Policytransfers“, welche chinesischen Erfahrungen nachempfunden waren, wie zum Beispiel Sonderwirtschaftszonen, eingeschränkte Aufmerksamkeit von chinesischen Unternehmern und Beamten erfahren.Auf Basis einer empirischen Analyse einer Auswahl von nordkoreanischen Sonderwirtschaftszonen und damit verbundenen „Policies“, Interviews mit im Grenzgebiet aktiven, chinesischen Unternehmern und in Nordkorea gesammelten Einzelberichten, argumentiert der Autor, dass die chinesischen wirtschaftlichen Engagement Strategien und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklungsstrategie Nord-Koreas strukturellen Unvereinbarkeiten aufweisen, welche die derzeitigen wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsmuster zu eine Quelle diplomatischer und politischer Spannungen werden lassen. Es scheint, dass China in der Tat versucht hat, verschiedene politische und geopolitische Ziele auf wirtschaftlichem Wege zu erreichen, was größtenteils in der bedeutenden, von China angeführten, „One Belt, one Road“ Initiative seinen Nachhall findet, jedoch von Pjöngjang als Einmischung gesehen wird. Paradoxerweise sind, so die Argumentation des Autors, spätere Generationen der Sonderwirtschaftszonen nicht nur Institutionen zur Förderung der wirtschaftlichen Integration zwischen China und der Demokratischen Volksrepublik Korea, sie verkörpern auch den politischen Widerstand gegen die chinesische wirtschaftliche Umklammerung.

This thesis examines the economic impacts of China's engagement in Nigeria. Various books and journals were used to help in formulating various objectives which include examination of how China’s economic activities in Nigeria perpetuate or challenge neo-colonial structure to find out the socio-political implications of China's economic engagement in Nigeria. To achieve the stated objectives, the study used a narrative literature review methodology (secondary data) in analyzing its findings. The study used Google Scholar for multidisciplinary sources as a search strategy and applying relevant keywords such as "China-Nigeria relations", "Chinese investments in Nigeria", and "economic impacts of China's engagement in Nigeria", one can retrieve a diverse range of scholarly literature spanning multiple disciplines. Thematic analysis (TA) was used to identify, examine, and report patterns found in data to highlight important concepts and ideas.The findings include that there are several economic impacts of Chinese investments in Nigeria such as GDP growth, employment creation, industrialization, and trade expansion. The thesis underscores the presence of neo-colonial elements within Nigeria, with colonial-era administrative systems and extractive economic practices continuing to shape governance frameworks and societal inequalities. China's involvement introduced alternative economic partnerships that offered opportunities for greater autonomy and development. It was also observed that Nigeria's increasing reliance on Chinese investments, loans, and trade partnerships, indicates a growing dependency that influenced policy decisions and domestic priorities. This economic dependency raised concerns about the potential for unequal trade relations and reliance on external aid and investment, echoing neo-colonial power dynamics.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / The 21st century has witnessed intensified ties between China and South Africa both bilaterally and multilaterally under BRICS. South Africa-China relations have been amplified by the quest to strengthen South-South cooperation as opposed to depending on the West for everything. In this research the focus is on examining the political and economic relations between South Africa and China. The sustainability of the China-South Africa engagement in the areas of economy and politics will be examined. Since South Africa is the weaker partner economically in her relationship with China, will the relationship leave South Africa disadvantaged or will the South African economy benefit from the bilateral relations? On the political level, China’s policy on Tibet and the One-China policy may have a bearing on South Africa’s image in the world. The research is designed to explore the political and economic dimensions of the relationship. The study derives insights from the interdependence theory which argues that we live in a world of interdependence which has altered the concept of power which is at the heart of the realist theory. Interdependence is also defined as mutual dependence among nations and reciprocal effects among states. The study utilizes a qualitative approach where desk research involving primary and secondary sources are used. Fundamentally the study argues that the relationship is mutually beneficial albeit unequal. China is a major power with the second largest economy in the world and South Africa is a regional power with a stagnating economy. China needs South Africa in her Africa strategy due to the fact that South Africa boasts the largest and most advanced economy on the African continent and this makes the country a convenient doorway into Africa. South Africa on the other hand needs Chinese Foreign Direct Investment and trade to speed up growth and grow the black middle class which was disadvantaged during the apartheid years. In 2015 the two countries signed 26 agreements worth 94 billion rand when the Chinese President Xi Jinping paid an official visit to South Africa which will be mutually beneficial to both parties.