This study provides an overview of vacancy and blight within communities across the United States and the significance that these factors play in the overall health and prosperity of the neighborhoods and cities in which they exist. The recent housing boom and eventual bust destabilized neighborhoods and led the federal government to provide funds for communities to combat vacancy and blight through the American Recovery Act and the Dodd Frank Act. The City of Muncie utilized these funds to demolish vacant, blighted properties and to aid developers in the rehabilitation of several historic properties for rental and sale to low-income residents. Although these efforts are an excellent starting point for redevelopment of Muncie’s neighborhoods, there is room for improvement in utilizing private-public relationships and funding sources to amplify current successes. / Department of Urban Planning

While the debate on the indigenous culture of ubuntu/botho in South Africa (SA) goes far back into the history as signified by Ngubane' s (1963 and 1979) works on the role of the ubuntu values in the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggle; in the last two decades or so, this debate has gathered even much greater momentum. This recent interest in ubuntu/botho culture could be attributed to the imminence of the collapse of apartheid in the late 1980s and the turn of the 1990s, and also the post-apartheid situation in which the SA society came to confront serious socio-economic and political challenges. Those challenges arose from the country's re-admission into the global world, which presented challenges associated with globalisation phenomenon such as the need to achieve economic competitiveness. They also were presented by the newly attained democratic dispensation along which dawned the urgent need to redress the apartheid-created injustices and to work earnestly towards the eradication of the past legacies such as racial inequalities and poverty while seeking to consolidate and jealously defend the still rather fragile democracy. Event much more recently, the debate came to form part of the current continent-wide sentiment that Africa should claim the twenty-first century and that all efforts should be channelled towards the renewal of Africa following the destructions and distortions caused by colonialism. Central to this debate in SA is the widely held belief and claim that the ubuntu/botho cultural values could be mobilised into developmental and transformative force. In particular, a strong claim is made that for SA to achieve competitive advantage in global markets, its development strategies should tap into the values of the ubuntu/botho culture. While few cases are cited as success stories indicative of ubuntu values positive influence on business management strategies in the workplace, often with the assistance of private consultants, these remain isolated and no any serious follow-up studies were conduced in order to assess the sustainability of such interventions. Thus, what is essentially missing in this debate, is a comprehensive indepth, empirically-based study aimed at not only assessing the validity of these widely held claims, but also at examining the objective conditions under which the ubuntu/botho cultural values can help in realising this role. Also critical and missing is the need to possibilities/opportunities and potential constraints to ubuntu/botho culture's ability to fulfil this role. Often these debates lack any serious theoretical basis or comparative references on which to justify their claims. Further, there is seldom any attempt to locate the debate on ubuntu/botho culture in the wider context of the debate and research in the African continent around questions of traditional cultures, thought systems and development and progress. While the present study approaches this debate in such a way that the gaps highlighted addressed through extensive review of literature, it however takes it even further by giving it an empirical content through an in-depth case study of one South African workplace as an illustrative example. This empirically-based approach, coupled with extensive and critical review of the relevant literature, helped to take the debate on ubuntu/botho culture beyond rhetoric which characterises the current dominant thinking within the debate. I argue, on the basis of my overall findings that while evidence gathered supports the case for the need to explore with the ubuntu/botho culture in the economic and business sphere, and in particular at the workplace level, some serious obstacles would and do stand in the way of realising the potentially transformative and developmental role of the culture's values. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2007.

Magister Artium - MA / This study was aimed at analysing structural relations between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGO) sector. It focused on the relations between two NGOs, namely the Labour Research Service and the Institute for Democracy in South Africa on the one hand and the National Development Agency on the other. The National Development Agency is a State intermediary structure established to facilitate funding and policy dialogue between the State and the NGO sector. The three institutions have been included in order to analyse the way in which a state-designed institution relates with NGOs and in turn the NGOs responded in general. / South Africa

The study attempts to provide an empirically analysis and assessment of the needs of the community of Ntambanana Municipality by focusing on development and underdevelopment issues. According to the findings of the study, lack of basic infrastructural service delivery including employment, sound economic activities, running water and sanitation, electricity, formal houses and the appalling road surface conditions are the issues besetting this municipality resulting to down trodden underdevelopment and adversity impacting negatively on the implementation of other broad based development projects. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.

The sudden and steady increase in the involvement of women in the Mexican labour force beginning in the 1980s, signifies a major shift in gender roles and activities. It is a little studied outcome of Mexico's combination of economic crisis (which served to increase the supply of female labour) and subsequent adoption of neoliberal economic policies (which stimulated the demand for female labour). In fact, what is not known, are the implications of this employment for the Mexican women themselves. The dissertation moves beyond the existing literature on the gendered consequences of employment and economic development, by bringing in the citizenship literature to help define women's status. Specifically, the dissertation proposes a way of determining these consequences by examining three dimensions of women's status, two of which refer to women's roles and capabilities in the public sphere---political and economic---and one which refers to women's status in the private sphere---the household. By disaggregating the status variable, the dissertation highlights the significant improvements in women's status while identifying the remaining obstacles to gender equality. The dissertation develops a number of measures of women's multidimensional status, and assesses the differences between employed and non-employed women using data obtained from a survey of women in Mexico City. In the economic sphere, the findings indicate that employment improves women's status by enhancing women's independence. Employment provides women with the economic resources that enable them to lessen their dependence on men. At the same time, women continue to face inequality in the labour market, signifying the continuing subordination of women. In terms of women's household status, the findings show that women retain the primary responsibility for childcare, and for the maintenance of the home. This inequality is significant, and serves to limit further improvements in

This article examines the rationale for a dynamic perspective of poverty in South Africa and analyses the magnitude and characteristics of those in chronic versus transitory poverty using data from the KwaZulu-Natal Income Dynamics Study. The results show that the incidence and depth of poverty have increased steadily between 1993 and 1998, a trend that is pronounced in rural localities and for female-headed households. Though the majority of households (30.7%) were found to be experiencing transitory poverty, a significant proportion of households, in lieu of the expected small minority suggested by previous empirical research, were chronically poor. / Thesis (M.Sc.U.R.P.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Strategies for South Africa’s development are often analysed from a predominantly economic perspective, overlooking the key role that political and sociocultural elements play in the developmental process. This study will assess possible development strategies by making use of the modern world-systems (MWS) theoretical perspective, due to the theory’s holistic approach to development. The question is posed whether South Africa – in accordance with the MWS perspective – will be able to ascend from its current semi-peripheral position in the hierarchy of the modern world-system to the core group of states by 2025. The components for national development are all-encompassing and require an increase in state strength, long-term economic development, and domestic and international sociocultural influence. Prospects for South Africa’s ascent to the core have been explored within a 15-20 year time period because the capitalist world-economy is currently still in a phase of contraction, or B-phase of growth (1973-2025). The modern world-systems theoretical approach asserts that country mobility is more likely during this phase and that ascent in the hierarchy will be increasingly difficult when the world-economy begins its expansionary phase around 2025. The study concludes that South Africa faces numerous external and internal constraints to its development, despite the noteworthy economic, political and sociocultural incentives that it could potentially capitalise on over the next fifteen years. It is anticipated that these constraints will place the country in a position whereby it will be unable to reap the benefits of the most optimal developmental strategies put forward by the modern world-systems approach; hence it will be severely challenged to attain core status by 2025. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Strategieë vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika word meerendeels geanaliseer vanuit ‘n hoofsaaklike ekonomiese invalshoek en dit het tot gevolg dat die rol wat politieke en sosio-kulturele aspekte in die ontwikkelingsproses speel nie op ag geslaan word nie. Die studie evalueer moontlike ontwikkelings-strategieë vir Suid-Afrika deur gebruik te maak van die moderne wêreld-sisteem teoretiese benadering (MWS) wat ‘n meer holistiese perspektief op ontwikkeling bied. Die vraag word gevra of Suid- Afrika – in ooreenstemming met die uitganspunte van MWS - teen 2025 sal kan vorder tot die kategorie van “kern-staat”, vanaf sy huidige status as “semi-periferale staat”. Die allesomvattende komponente vir ontwikkeling wat MWS identifiseer vereis die groei van staatskapasiteit, langtermyn ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en die uitbreiding van regionale en internasionale sosio-kulturele invloed. Die vooruitsigte vir Suid-Afrika se opgang is nagevors oor die verloop van ‘n 15-20 jaar tydperk, aangesien die kapitalistiese wêreld-ekonomie tans in ‘n fase van kontraksie verkeer (B-fase van groei) tussen 1973-2025. Die MWS benadering argumenteer dat opwaartse mobiliteit van state meer waarskynlik is tydens ‘n B-fase van groei en dat opgang moeiliker sal word wanneer die wêreld-ekonomie weer ‘n ekspansionistiese fase van groei betree in 2025. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrika se ontwikkelings-uitdagings deur beide eksterne en interne faktore bemoeilik word, nieteenstaande moontlike sterkpunte op ekonomiese, politieke en sosio-kulturele gebied waarop dit sou kon kapitaliseer oor die volgende 15 jaar. Hierdie faktore, word geargumenteer, sal veroorsaak dat die optimale ontwikkelingstrategieë wat deur ander state gevolg is, nie deur Suid-Afrika nagevolg sal kan word nie, en dat gevolglik, sonder innoverende strategieë, die kanse dat die land kern-status teen 2025 sal bereik, gering is.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally, land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity. This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government. Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white farming areas. South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately, this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas. This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land reform process. This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land reform for implementation by the South African Development Community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor. Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider- Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe. Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom, die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg. Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede. Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak. Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing, veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie. Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie, kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind. Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.

This study was aimed at analysing structural relations between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGO) sector. It focused on the relations between two NGOs, namely the Labour Research Service and the Institute for Democracy in South Africa on the one hand and the National Development Agency on the other. The National Development Agency is a State intermediary structure established to facilitate funding and policy dialogue between the State and the NGO sector. The three institutions have been included in order to analyse the way in which a state-designed institution relates with NGOs and in turn the NGOs responded in general.