This thesis provides an original contribution to ongoing debates within scholarly Political Economy and Area Studies literatures on the (neoliberal) transformation of the Hungarian political economy. Within this literature, the ‘transition’ to a (free) market economy and democracy is commonly dated to the annus mirabilis of 1989. The development of the Hungarian political economy since then has widely been considered as a ‘success story’ of (neoliberal) transformation and presented as model to be emulated by other countries in Central and Eastern Europe and elsewhere in the world. This thesis challenges this consensus. Drawing on central concepts in Marxist political economy, in particular state capitalism theory, and primary sources in Hungary, we argue that neoliberalism was not simply an ‘imported project’, which arrived ‘from the West’ on eve of the regime change in 1989. Rather, it emerged ‘organically’ in Hungarian society in the 1980s, as a response by domestic political and economic elites to the deepening economic and political crisis of the Kádár regime. The essential aim of the ‘neoliberal turn’ was thus to reconfigure the Hungarian political economy in line with exigencies of the capitalist world economy, while at the same time ensuring that the ‘transition’ went as smoothly as possible. As such, while at one level obviously a repudiation of past policy, policymakers in Budapest pursued the same objectives as central planners under ‘actually existing socialism’. For much of the 1990s and the early 2000s, this Faustian bargain proved relatively successful, as the Hungarian political economy became a model of (neoliberal) transformation in the region. However, since the mid-2000s, the inherent contradictions and limitations of Hungary’s neoliberal regime of accumulation have become increasingly evident. This has been confirmed by events since the onset of the global economic crisis, as Hungary has rapidly moved from being an erstwhile ‘poster boy’ of (neoliberal) transformation to a ‘basket case'.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-05-20T16:59:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Charles Florczak Almeida.pdf: 3083417 bytes, checksum: db8d4c5f382744ba95a5555f48c9ada7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-20T16:59:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Charles Florczak Almeida.pdf: 3083417 bytes, checksum: db8d4c5f382744ba95a5555f48c9ada7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-16 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho toma a cobertura da Folha de S. Paulo sobre a crise econômica de 2008 como objeto para um estudo do jornalismo como forma de conhecimento. O objetivo foi compreender como foi realizada a cobertura da crise, do ponto de vista dos tipos de conteúdo que produziu, das perspectivas e explicações que adotou, das posturas políticas defendidas, em suma, das prioridades editoriais desenvolvidas pelo veículo. Adota-se a perspectiva de que o jornalismo é uma forma de conhecimento social cristalizada no singular, que realiza a mediação entre os fatos e o público, caracterizando-se, enquanto conhecimento, por sua comunicabilidade. Sustentamos que contradições sociais estão envoltas no processo de significação jornalístico, o que justifica um estudo abrangendo abordagens informativas e opinativas, mantendo-se a essência no singular. Tratamos da ascensão e das características do neoliberalismo como projeto de classe hegemônico, que também é apontado como matriz de explicação para a crise econômica tema do trabalho. O jornalismo de economia, por sua vez, é o espaço pelo qual se percebe a relação do jornalismo com projetos político-econômicos, particularmente, o neoliberalismo, a transformar as pautas e formas de organização do jornalismo. A análise da cobertura realizada pela Folha de S. Paulo tem como corpus 6.176 textos jornalísticos de diferentes tipos e as manchetes de capa das 243 edições publicadas pelo jornal entre agosto de 2008 e março de 2009, período de maior acentuação da crise, incluindo impactos na economia brasileira. Pudemos observar a intensidade com que a crise foi acompanhada ao longo das semanas, destacando-se a quebra do Banco Lehman Brothers como marco efetivo da explosão do número de matérias. No decorrer dos meses, há mudanças de foco na cobertura, notadamente migrando do mercado financeiro para os governos; do exterior para o Brasil. As formas desenvolvidas pelo jornalismo de economia representam a estruturação básica da cobertura, do ponto de vista de temáticas, fontes e outros elementos. Identificamos, nas posições político-econômicas defendidas pelo jornal em editoriais e relacionadas aos destaques de capa, uma ênfase no dever do Estado em resolver os problemas trazidos pela crise, expressando, nesse ponto, a visão da ortodoxia neoliberal, pois assenta sua posição no corte de gastos públicos, flexibilização das leis trabalhistas e direito inquestionável das empresas de demitir. Aponta-se a maior participação de ex-integrantes do governo como de autores não jornalistas que compõem a contextualização dos acontecimentos da crise. Há uma ênfase no ponto de vista do mercado financeiro para observar os eventos e espaços generosos às entidades empresariais, ao contrário do que ocorre com os movimentos sociais e representação de trabalhadores. O econômico e o político estão inter-relacionados, tendo o jornalismo parte nesse contato, no caso da crise, reforçando a perspectiva hegemônica neoliberal. Conclui-se que, embora seja engendrada por concepções neoliberais, a cobertura se desenvolve baseada em formas de conhecer criadas pelo jornalismo. / This paper takes the coverage of Folha de S. Paulo about the economic crisis of 2008 as object for a study of journalism as a form of knowledge. It aimed understand how the coverage of the crisis was carried out from the point of view of the types of content produced, the perspectives and explanations adopted, the political positions defended, in short, the editorial priorities developed by the vehicle. The perspective adopted was that journalism is a form of social knowledge crystallized in the singular, that mediates facts and public, characterized, as knowledge, by its communicability. We argued that social contradictions are shrouded in the journalistic significance process, which justifies a study including informative and opinionated approaches, supporting the essence in the singular. The rise of neoliberalism and its features are understood as hegemonic class project, which is also indicated as explanation matrix for the economic crisis. Economic journalism, in turn, is the space in which it is perceived the relation between journalism and political-economic projects, particularly, neoliberalism, transforming the guidelines and forms of journalism organization. The analysis of the coverage of Folha de S. Paulo includes a corpus of 6,176 journalistic texts of different types and the cover headlines of the 243 issues published by the journal between August 2008 and March 2009, period of accentuation of the crisis, including impacts on Brazilian economy. It was possible to observe the intensity with which the crisis was followed over the weeks, emphasizing the crash of Lehman Brothers as an effective framework of the explosion in the number of news stories. Over the months, there were changes of focus on coverage, especially migrating from the financial market to governments; from abroad to Brazil. The forms developed by economic journalism represent the basic structure of the coverage from the point of view of themes, fonts and other elements. It was identified an emphasis on the duty of the state to solve the problems caused by the crisis, expressing the view of neoliberal orthodoxy as it rests its position in cuts of public spending, liberalization of labor legislation and unquestionable right of companies to dismiss in the political and economic positions taken by newspaper editorials and related to the highlights of cover. It was pointed the greater participation of former members of the government and non-journalists as authors that create the context of the crisis events. There was an emphasis on the point of view of financial market to observe the events and there were generous spaces to business entities, in contrast to what occurs with social movements and worker representation. The economic and the political aspects are interrelated, and journalism has participation in this relation, in the case of crisis, reinforcing the neoliberal hegemonic perspective. It was concluded that, although it is engendered by neoliberal concepts, coverage was developed based on ways of knowing created by journalism.

Les conséquences des chocs économiques négatifs sur les ménages ont été documentés extensivement, mais on en sait beaucoup moins sur la manière dont ces chocs sont transmis aux individus à travers la médiation du ménage. Le ménage contribue-il à modérer l'effet des chocs négatifs ? Dans quelle mesure le choc économique pèse-t-il dans la négociation familiale ? À partir de données sur la crise économique argentine de 2001, je montre d'abord que les femmes en couple ont une plus grande probabilité de devenir actives si leur mari a fait l'expérience d'un choc de revenu. Ensuite, je montre que le cycle économique importe dans les décisions d'investissement en capital humain. Sur le long terme, les profils de salaire et d'employabilité des hommes argentins sont affectés de manière persistante par les conditions économiques initiales au moment de l'obtention du diplôme. Enfin, je considère la dimension “man-cession” de la crise économique de 2009 en Espagne et montre que la part des ressources du ménage reçues par les femmes pour leur consommation privée augmente avec la diminution de l'écart des taux de chômage hommes-femmes, confortant l'hypothèse que les chocs négatifs modifient le pouvoir de négociation des individus au sein du ménage. / The consequences of adverse aggregate shocks on households have been repeatedly documented, but far less has been said on the way they are passed over to individuals through the mediation of the household. Does the household contribute in mitigating the effects? Or does the economic shock rather invite itself at the family negociating table? Using the Argentine 2001 economic crisis as a natural experiment, I first show that married women are more likely to enter the labor market if their husband experienced a loss in income, giving credit to the insurance mechanism. Then, I show that the business cycle matters for investments in education, and that long run labor outcomes of Argentine men are persistently affected by the initial conditions upon graduation. Finally, I consider the “Mancession” dimension of the Great Recession in Spain and demonstrate that the resource share accruing to wives for own consumption increases together with the decreasing unemployment gap, which comes in support to the bargaining hypothesis.