Orientador: Eduardo Fagnani / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T00:41:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CardosoJunior_JoseCelsoPereira_D.pdf: 3795527 bytes, checksum: 2881ae8a46dd41fff5ba9a105b16948c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta Tese aborda aspectos da relação - dinâmica e complexamente determinada - que existe entre as esferas do "mundo do trabalho" e da "(des) proteção social" no Brasil. Tendo sido inspirada por pesquisas empíricas realizadas, grosso modo, entre 1995 e 2010, envolvendo, além da participação no programa de doutorado do IE/Unicamp, momentos de assessoramento governamental direto em vários níveis, os seus capítulos foram escritos e agrupados em função de duas grandes temáticas que perpassam todos e cada um deles, a saber: i) estrutura e dinâmica do mundo laboral e ii) conexões entre o mundo do trabalho e as políticas sociais e de proteção brasileiras, que têm no fundamento do trabalho como direito, um dos seus pilares essenciais. A razão para tanto decorre, fundamentalmente, do fato de que a categoria Trabalho é, em regime capitalista (e a despeito de crenças em contrário!), a categoria econômica e sociológica chave para garantir, sobretudo em contextos hiper desiguais e heterogêneos como o brasileiro: i) sustento individual ou familiar, além de sociabilidade básica à população, por meio do acesso à renda e à esfera pública que o trabalho propicia; ii) sustentação econômica mínima ao PIB, por meio da amplitude e profundidade potenciais do seu mercado consumidor interno; e iii) sustentabilidade financeira intertemporal a todo o sistema brasileiro de proteção social, em particular aos sistemas previdenciários públicos, direta ou indiretamente contributivos, pelo peso que as fontes de financiamento direto (ancoradas no trabalho) ou mesmo indireto (regressivamente ancoradas na tributação sobre o consumo e legalmente vinculadas ao orçamento da seguridade social) possuem no Brasil. Estes aspectos ganharam particular relevância ao longo da primeira década do novo milênio, porque depois de praticamente 25 anos de dominância ideológica liberal e implementação de medidas desregulamentadoras e privatistas, com resultados pífios ou nefastos sobre variáveis clássicas da macroeconomia e do mercado de trabalho nacional, houve em período recente, mormente entre 2004-2010, contestação empírica e teórica da alegada supremacia daquelas formulações. Comprovou-se na prática que o núcleo-duro do padrão brasileiro de proteção social, ancorado historicamente no modelo meritocrático-contributivo e no binômio trabalho-proteção social, é altamente dependente - em termos de sua sustentabilidade institucional e financeira - de dinâmica produtiva pujante e virtuosa, praticamente impossível de ser obtida por meio do livre jogo das forças de mercado. Como corolário dessa linha argumentativa, tem-se que sem a presença ativa do Estado como agente estruturador interno, dificilmente o país terá condições de garantir, simultaneamente, crescimento econômico, indicadores positivos de mercado de trabalho, combate à pobreza e à desigualdade de renda, além de sustentabilidade intertemporal e solvência financeira dos sistemas de proteção social em geral, e de proteção previdenciária em particular. Concluímos este esforço analítico em defesa da universalização das políticas sociais como estratégia mais indicada para enfrentar os desafios sociais brasileiros, já que em contexto de desigualdades extremas, a universalização possui a virtude de combinar os maiores impactos redistributivos do gasto, com os menores efeitos estigmatizadores que advém de práticas focalizadas de ação social. Além disso, é a universalização a única estratégia condizente com princípios de justiça distributiva contidos nos chamados direitos amplos e irrestritos de cidadania social, portanto, uma ideia desatrelada do discurso reducionista e conservador sobre a pobreza. Esse aspecto nos parece particularmente importante porque, na tradição de estudos sobre temas do trabalho e da (des) proteção social, predomina hiperespecialização em pontos, muitas vezes, demasiado específicos a cada uma das duas esferas aqui destacadas. Ou bem a literatura se dedica e aprofunda temas do mundo do trabalho, ou bem o faz em temas da proteção social. Há, obviamente, méritos incontestáveis em certa especialização cognitiva sobre esses e outros campos do saber científico, porém este artifício metodológico deixa em aberto questões igualmente relevantes no tocante às possibilidades e necessidades de certa articulação de conhecimentos (multi-inter-transdisciplinares) para o incremento de compreensão sobre o mundo que nos rodeia, bem como para o próprio avanço das ciências e das políticas públicas de modo geral / Abstract: This thesis discusses some aspects of the dynamic and complexly determined relationship between the labor world and social protection in Brazil. Having been inspired by empirical research conducted roughly between 1995 and 2010, involving direct government assistance at various levels, besides the attendance to the doctorate program at IE/Unicamp, its chapters were written and assembled according to two major themes: i) structure and dynamics of the labor market and ii) connections between the labor world and social policies. The choice of this analytical approach stems from the fact that labor is the key economic and sociological category that, under capitalism (despite some belief to the contrary!), especially in heterogeneous and hyper unequal countries, such as Brazil, grants access to: i) individual or family economic support, as well as basic sociability; ii) minimal financial support to GDP; and iii) intertemporal sustainability to social protection systems, in particular to public pensions, directly or indirectly contributive. This is even more true in Brazil due to the breadth and depth of its potential consumer market and to the weight that the sources of funding for social protection have in the country, either in direct forms (anchored in the labor market) or in indirect ones (anchored in taxation on consumption that is legally linked to the social security budget). These aspects have gained particular relevance throughout the first decade of the new millennium, since, after almost 25 years of liberal ideological dominance and the implementation of deregulation and privatization measures, with poor results on national macroeconomics and labor market variables, there has been empirical and theoretical contestation of the alleged supremacy of those formulations, especially between 2004 and 2010. It has been proved in practice that the hard-core standard of Brazilian social protection, historically anchored in the meritocratic-contributive model and in the work-social protection binomial, is highly dependent in terms of its institutional and financial sustainability of a thriving and virtuous productive dynamics, practically impossible to be obtained through the free play of market forces. As the inevitable corollary of this line of argument one must say that without the active presence of the State as the structuring internal agent, it is unlikely that the country will be able to ensure economic growth, positive labor market indicators, success in the war on poverty and income inequality, as well as intertemporal sustainability and financial solvency of the social protection system, particularly in what concerns the pensions system. In conclusion we argue that the universalization of social policies is the best suited strategy to address social challenges in Brazil, since, in the context of extreme inequalities, a universal system has the virtue of combining the major redistributive impact of public spending with less stigmatizing effects that are inherent to focused social policies. Moreover, it is the only strategy consistent with the broad and unrestricted principles of distributive justice contained in the so-called rights of social citizenship and therefore incompatible with the reductionist and conservative views on poverty. This aspect seems particularly important because, in the tradition of studies on labor and social protection, hyperespecialization dominates the analysis of veryspecific aspects of each of the spheres highlighted here. Either the literature focuses on themes of the labor world, or it concentrates attention on areas of social protection. There are obviously undeniable merits in certain cognitive specialization on these and other fields of scientific knowledge. However, such a methodological approach does not pay attention to other relevant issues regarding the possibilities and needs of certain articulation of (multi-inter-disciplinary) knowledge in order to increase the understanding about the world around us as well as to improve science and public policies in general / Doutorado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

Le foncier économique contribue activement au développement des entreprises sur les territoires en tant que traduction spatiale de l’activité économique et que forme d’intervention des acteurs publics en France, et dans plusieurs pays européens.La localisation des activités économiques se définit en économie spatiale en fonction de la distance au centre urbain, fictif ou réel. La valeur que les agents économiques accordent à une localisation s’établit à partir du niveau de rente différentielle perçue par les propriétaires fonciers. Cette rente est une fonction décroissante de la distance au centre urbain qui varie selon les différentes activités (logements, bureaux, commerces, industries). La concentration des activités dépendrait des mécanismes de rente foncière et résulterait d’un arbitrage entre proximité et distance au centre que réaliseraient les entreprises. Cependant, ces explications sont incomplètes à nos yeux pour expliquer les trajectoires économiques divergentes entre les territoires. En économie spatiale, le foncier devient une variable d’ajustement pour l’entreprise liée au niveau de rente foncière supporté. Cette approche perd néanmoins de sa pertinence lorsque les entreprises tirent le développement économique d’un territoire sans conduire à des niveaux de rente foncière élevée. Ainsi, la concentration des activités économiques et la rente foncière comme mode de valorisation d’une localisation optimale ne fournissent pas des explications satisfaisantes. Le modèle explicatif y est à la fois dépendant de la disponibilité des données, de l’homogénéité de l’espace et du comportement modélisé des agents économiques.Afin d’apporter des explications nouvelles, nous avons mobilisé d’autres approches théoriques et des méthodes davantage empiriques afin d’analyser les mécanismes à l’œuvre sur des territoires variés et moyennement denses, où le foncier est pourtant très convoité par les investisseurs privés. Ces territoires sont ceux de la Plaine Saint-Exupéry, espace d’interface métropolitain de la métropole lyonnaise, d’une part, et de métropole Savoie, espace de plaines habitées entre Genève et Grenoble, d’autre part.En faisant appel à la notion de ressource territoriale nous utilisons les apports de l’économie territoriale pour comprendre les mécanismes qui relient le foncier et les activités économiques. La ressource foncière territoriale met en évidence des choix de localisation d’activités tertiaires et industrielles. Ceux-là sont structurés par des coopérations dans lesquelles interviennent les acteurs de l’aménagement et de la promotion immobilière, aux côtés des collectivités territoriales et des entreprises. Celles-ci recherchent des écosystèmes favorables au développement de leur activité et porteurs de proximité, institutionnelle et géographique.La ressource territoriale souligne le rôle des actifs spécifiques et de la coordination, ainsi que les conditions foncières du développement. La constitution de stratégies foncières, et les modes de coordination entre acteurs publics et privés qui en dépendent, explicitent les fonctions de redéployabilité et d’interface du foncier. Ces deux fonctions désignent, d’une part, le fait que la ressource foncière facilite la mutation des activités sur le territoire, et, d’autre part, que le foncier est une condition d’existence d’autres ressources pour les activités sur ce même territoire. Sans interface, des terrains seront affectés à des fonctions sans rapport avec les actifs spécifiques du territoire. Sans redéployabilité, le foncier sera commercialisé sans considération pour sa valeur réelle de long terme mais uniquement pour sa valeur marchande de court terme. À partir d’observations empiriques sur la Plaine de Saint-Exupéry et sur Métropole Savoie, nous illustrons ces notions et montrons que la maîtrise publique du foncier économique révèle la ressource foncière territoriale à l’heure où les territoires doivent inventer leur propre mode de développement pérenne. / Economic land contributes actively to the development of companies in the territories as a spatial translation of economic activity and as a form of intervention by public bodies in France and in several European countries.The location of economic activities is defined in spatial economics according to the distance to the urban center. The value that economic agents attribute to a central or peripheral location is based on the level of differential rent perceived by landowners. This income, assimilated to the land use cost incorporated in property prices, is a decreasing function of distance to the urban center, which varies according to the different activities (housing, office, retail, industry). The concentration of activities depends on the mechanisms of urban land rent and explains the differences in economic wealth between areas with high concentration of activities and jobs and spaces with low density. The land rent achieved by landowners will result in a trade-off between proximity and distance to the center that the companies would achieve through the market law. However, these explanations are incomplete to explain the divergent economic paths between territories. In spatial economics, land use is adjusted by the firm according to the level of land use they can put up with. However, this approach lacks of relevance when firms derive economic development from a territory without leading to high land rents or when development becomes a strategic issue for the territory. Thus, the concentration of economic activities and land rent are considered as a way to explain optimal locations, but they do not explain all kind of situations. The explanatory model is both dependent on the availability of data, the homogeneity of space and the modeled behavior of economic agents.In order to provide new explanations, we offer an other theoretical approach that is less econometric and more empirical in order to analyze the mechanisms for moderately dense territories where land is highly coveted by private investors. These territories are those of the Plaine de Saint-Exupéry, a metropolitan interface area of ​​the Lyon urban zone, and Metropole Savoie, an area of inhabited plains between Geneva and Grenoble.Using the notion of territorial resource we consider territorial economy to understand the relationships between land and economic activities. The territorial land resource highlights choices of localization for services and industrial activities. These are structured by cooperative relations involving actors in land development and real estate development, alongside local authorities and companies that seek for local ecosystems that are conducive to the development of their business. They may also seek for institutional and geographical proximity, which are different from the concentration of activities.The territorial resource emphasizes the diversity of development models and specific assets. The development of land use strategies, and the methods of coordination between public and private actors that depend on them, explain the functions of redeployment and interface of land. These two functions refer, on the one hand, to the fact that the land use resource facilitates the transformation of activities on the territory and, on the other hand, that land is a condition for the existence of other resources for activities on this territory. In other words, without an interface, land can be allocated to functions unrelated to the specific assets of the territory. Without redeployability, land will be marketed without consideration for its long-term value, but only for its short-term market value. Based on empirical observations on the Plaine de Saint-Exupéry and on Metropole Savoie, we illustrate these notions and show that public management over economic land use, in particular, makes it possible to reveal territorial land resources at a time when the territories have to invent their own sustainable development path.

Résumé Dissertation analysis raising of phenomenon of automobilism in the american city of Detroit in first half of 20. century. Analysis is focus primarily on the "Big Three" of car producers: Ford Motor Company, General Motors a Chrysler LLC. Analysis is temporalily delimitated with two moments, closely conected with developing of automobilism: Increase of popularity of cars at the begin of 20. century and Great depression. Important moments in delimitated time period were especially: founding of Ford Motor Company in 1903, founding of General Motors in 1908, implementation of assembly line by Henry Ford in 1913, founding of Chrysler LLC in 1925 and of course the Great Depresion from 1929. Special priority is focus on the personality od Henry Ford and his style of organization of work, company development and inovations, that were introduced mostly by his company, followed by others. Henry Ford has absolutely special position, mostly because of his complex care of his employes.Objective of this work is not only to analyze unprecedent increase and development of the city of Detroit, but also to describe demographical change of society, due by the development of automobile industry in the state of Michigan. Major question is: How the city of Detroit was changed in connection with industrial development,...