Thesis (M.A.). / Written for the Dept. of Political Science. Title from title page of PDF (viewed 2008/01/14). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 60-66).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 60-66).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Dallas Theological Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 60-66).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, December 1975. / Available in PDF. Includes bibliographical references.

In an age of globalisation, conflicting identities and cultures continue to remain a source of seemingly intractable conflict. Educative interventions are meanwhile increasing in trend among academics, politicians and multilateral aid organisations. Each regard education as a long-term solution to contemporary social and security issues. Supporting literature on the relationship between education and identity suggests that formal education has a powerful influence on students’ outlook on life, their loyalties and their identities. This premise suggests that when questioned about global issues, Egyptian students who attend international schools within their own country of origin should show more signs of cosmopolitanism and global mindedness than their nationally educated peers. Yet, contrary findings to that of prevailing discourse suggest that education’s ability to shape values and loyalties is likely overemphasised when placed in the context of foreign curricula and international education. At times, students of international schools involved in this study showed more signs of nationalism than their nationally educated counterparts, and presented as equally traditional, conservative and ‘anti-West’ as their compatriots. The thesis thus argues that when education is placed within an international framework, its ability to socialise is significantly weakened, as it is faced with considerable firewalls that are yet to be adequately acknowledged in the discussion of post-national citizenship education. Using a combination of interpretative and critical research methods, rich and original qualitative data was gathered on attitudes and lifestyles of elite Egyptians enrolled at a variety of Egypt’s private international schools. Twenty-two international school educated Egyptian students, and a control group of 21 nationally educated Egyptian students of the same socio-economic background were invited to participate in specially tailored one-to-one interviews to measure their degree of cosmopolitan attitudes. Supplementary participant observations of Egyptian families actively involved in Egypt’s international education community were also conducted to consider the complementarity of the students’ home lives with their school lives. Focus groups were held with students of international schools to determine their views and attitudes towards global issues and other communities. All findings from this research were assessed alongside large-scale values surveys including the World Values Surveys and the Arab Youth Surveys. With the large sample size of pre-existing opinion polls, and the unique isolation of curriculum type as an independent variable in this study, it was possible to assess the transformative impact that an international education plays in the expression of values and beliefs of Egyptian students. The findings of this thesis have multidisciplinary value. For political science readers, the study offers a critical and epistemological analysis of concepts of cosmopolitanism, Westernisation, globalisation and global citizenship. For readers of the Middle East, it is a study into Egyptian youth today and their conflicting identities and loyalties. The Egyptian experience of private international schools and foreign investment is representative of a regional trend, and valuable to those wishing to consider competing narratives for identity in twenty-first century Middle East societies. Finally, it is a study that has an added value to educationists as it explores the role education plays on identity, and more specifically the role of international schools on globalisation and international mindedness. The growing trend of research and analysis that focuses on increased global connectedness and a culturally converging world makes this thesis an important and timely contribution. In an effort to extend the debate beyond the prevailing macro-analyses of change through globalisation, this thesis stresses the importance of looking at global interconnectivity at the micro-level, and particularly how young people navigate and negotiate their identity within the context of increasingly transnational spaces. Through this endeavour, it has reached a critical evaluation of our current understanding of a ‘post-national’ future, through the attitudes and opinions of some of today’s internationally educated generation.

Entre les dernières décennies du XXe siècle et les années 1960 naît et se développe en Égypte une importante production littéraire de femmes : des Égyptiennes éduquées en français (comme Out-el-Kouloub et Doria Shafik) choisissent cette langue pour dire les aspirations de la « femme nouvelle », qui quitte alors l'espace privé et confiné du harem pour investir l'espace public et porter haut et fort, malgré les réticences séculaires et les résistances des milieux conservateurs, des revendications sociales (féminisme, nationalisme) et culturelles. Des Françaises comme Jehan d'Ivray ou Valentine de Saint-Point s'installent à cette même période en Égypte, et deviennent les témoins et les actrices de cette Renaissance culturelle. Ces auteures investissent divers genres littéraires comme le roman et la poésie mais aussi l'essai ou l'écrit de recherche universitaire, elles publient dans des périodiques, ou créent des revues pour se dire. Elles mettent ainsi à l'épreuve les catégories opposant genres dits féminins et genres dits masculins. Elles contribuent à élaborer une œuvre interculturelle prenant en compte les traditions génériques françaises et égyptiennes, et proposent un renouvellement de la représentation de la femme et de l'Orient. Les écrits littéraires de femmes rassemblent une production très vaste mais qui demeure pourtant peu connue, peu rééditée et peu lue de nos jours, alors même qu'elle jouissait parfois d'une véritable reconnaissance des lecteurs et des institutions littéraires à l'époque de leur parution. Notre travail a consisté à constituer un corpus, c'est-à-dire à l'identifier, à le rassembler, à le classer avant de l'analyser. Il s'agit d'écrire un chapitre oublié de l'histoire littéraire et de s'interroger sur le statut de la littérature des femmes et de la littérature francophone dans la tradition critique. / An important literary production emerged and developed in Egypt from the end of the 19th century until the 1960's: Egyptian women educated in French culture (like Out-el-Kouloub or Doria Shafik) chose this language to write the ambitions of the “new woman”, who was abandoning the private and confined space of the harem and investing public space to loudly proclaim cultural and social demands (feminism, nationalism), despite secular reluctance and resistance from conservatives. At the same time, French women such as Jehan d'Ivray or Valentine Saint-Point, settled to live in Egypt, and became witnesses and actors of this cultural renaissance. These authors adopted various literary genres such as the novel and poetry but also the essay or academic writing, publishing in periodicals or founding magazines in order to express themselves. They question the contradiction between so-called women's and men's literary genres, while contributing to the creation of intercultural literature which encompasses both French and Egyptian traditions. At the same time, they propose a reassessment of the representations of women and the East. This women's literature forms a large production which nevertheless remains relatively unknown as it is rarely republished or read today, even though it often received considerable attention from both readers and literary institutions at the time of publication. This thesis builds a corpus, identifying, collecting and classifying the works before analyzing them. It aims at writing a forgotten chapter of literary history while examining the status of women's literature and francophone literature in the critical tradition.

No description available.

This thesis considers the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in countering Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda directed at British interests in the Middle East and Africa between 1954 and 1963. It argues that the 1956 Suez Crisis and its fallout was the catalyst that drove a significant expansion of IRD's remit and responsibility. From 1956 the department – which up to this point had had a purely anti-Communist function – was given the responsibility of countering the increasing flow of Arab nationalist propaganda emerging from Egypt. The same year, the Communist powers mounted a renewed and concerted effort to culturally and ideologically penetrate Africa. IRD, who to this point had been excluded from directly operating in Africa, began counter-Communist work in the face of stiff Colonial Office resistance. Analysis of IRD in the Middle East has rarely considered events beyond the immediate aftermath of Suez. IRD's work in Africa is almost wholly unexplored. It is a central contention of this thesis that the two regions cannot be viewed in isolation post-Suez. Egypt's standing was buoyed by the propaganda capital of victory over Suez, and Nasser's position as the figurehead of Arab nationalism was assured. In seeking the removal of colonial influence from the Middle East and Africa, Arab propaganda – particularly the Voice of the Arabs programme of Cairo Radio – ties the regions together. Communist and African nationalist propagandists were drawn to Cairo in the wake of the Suez Crisis. The former, building relationships through aid, sought to leverage Cairo's expanding influence to their own advantage. The latter sought facilities and support for their own propaganda efforts. After Suez, IRD sought to manage Egyptian propaganda whilst avoiding direct confrontation, seeking to normalise relations. In Africa, the department sought to build an infrastructure for information work aimed at influencing future leaders, their efforts constrained by the timetable of British decolonisation. In both regions, through developing relationships with local agencies and the BBC, and from initiatives such as the Transmission 'X' news commentary service, IRD continued to address Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda with a flexibility and responsiveness not recognised in the current literature on IRD.

Le monde arabe, où l’Égypte occupe une place de choix par sa situation géographique et son histoire, n’a pas connu de gouvernements démocratiques depuis l’accès à l’indépendance des pays le composant. On soulève dans ce travail la question des mécanismes de la survivance autoritaire dans le monde arabe en prenant pour cas d’étude le régime d’Hosni Moubarak, les récentes mobilisations de janvier 2011 constituant à notre avis un « test » pour les dynamiques d’ajustement autoritaire à l’œuvre depuis trente ans en Égypte. Alors que certains auteurs soutiennent la cause d’une judiciarisation de la vie politique en Egypte stimulée par la place du droit et des juridictions judiciaires dans le pays, dans quel sens ont évolué les marges de manœuvre d’agents politiques et juridiques égyptiens ? La Haute Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle été un facteur de stabilisation pour le régime autoritaire d’Hosni Moubarak ou bien, a-t-elle constitue un rempart contre le régime en place? Alors que les Democratization studies ont démontré leurs limites conceptuelles pour appréhender les évolutions politiques dans un espace supposément aux prises avec une « exception autoritaire » régionale, cette recherche s’inscrit dans la vague d’écrits offrant une lecture de la reconfiguration autoritaire dans l’espace arabe. En premier lieu, nous analyserons l’impact de l’activité jurisprudentielle émanant de la Haute Cour constitutionnelle égyptienne en matière de défense des droits politiques, et cela afin de montrer de quelle manière cette institution a participé à la survivance du régime de Moubarak (1981-2010). En second lieu, on confirmera nos observations à partir d’une étude portant sur les droits économiques levant le voile sur une « complaisance stratégique » des juges constitutionnels vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Néanmoins, ce ne sera qu’en remettant en contexte cette sphère professionnelle qu’il sera possible, dans un troisième temps, d’en expliquer les raisons en appréciant la sensibilité de ce segment professionnel à la notion d’indépendance judiciaire.