Depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, l'observation internationale des élections a connu une croissance exponentielle à travers le monde et en particulier au sein de la région formée par les 56 états participants de l'Organisation pour la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe. En raison de l'intervention concomitante d'acteurs multiples et hétérogènes, cette activité est caractérisée par le développement de diverses procédures de coopération interinstitutionnelle mais des efforts restent à fournir afin de toujours garantir la cohérence du message délivré. Le contrôle opéré se fonde sur une profusion d'engagements internationaux de nature juridique et politique qui constituent un véritable droit international électoral, constamment enrichi par la jurisprudence dynamique de la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme. Bien que la méthodologie sur laquelle repose les évaluations auxquelles procèdent les observateurs ait acquis une fiabilité importante et que ceux-ci parviennent dans la majorité des cas à éviter l'écueil d'une politisation des conclusions, les retombées des missions d'observation électorale restent aléatoires, nuisant à l'effectivité du système de contrôle dans son ensemble. De nombreux dispositifs de suivi des recommandations existent, qu'ils soient technique, politique ou juridictionnel, mais leur mise en œuvre révèle trop souvent un manque de rigueur. Au-delà, si le mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique instaurée par l'Union européenne permet de relayer efficacement les conclusions des observateurs électoraux dans le cadre de la procédure d'adhésion, il souffre d'une application inconsistante dans le champ de la Politique européenne de voisinage. Il s'ensuit une influence marginale de l'observation électorale internationale sur les Etats autoritaires de la région de l'OSCE. / Since the end of the Cold War, international election observation has grown exponentially worldwide and especially within the region formed by the 56 participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Due to the concomitant action of multiple and heterogeneous actors, this activity is characterized by the development of various procedures for inter-institutional cooperation but efforts are still needed in order to always ensure the consistency of the message delivered. The control operated is based on a wealth of international legal and political commitments which constitute a genuine international electoral law, constantly enriched by the dynamic jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. The methodology underlying the assessments made by the observers has acquired a high reliability and these succeed in most cases to avoid the trap of politicized findings. However, the impact of electoral observation missions remains unequal, undermining the effectiveness of the whole control mechanism. Many devices, whether technical, political or judicial, exist for the follow-up of recommendations, but their implementation often reveals a lack of rigor. In addition, if the mechanism of democratic conditionality established by the European Union can effectively relay the findings of election observers in the context of the accession procedure, it suffers from an inconsistent application in the field of European Neighbourhood Policy. It follows a marginal influence of international election observation on authoritarian states of the OSCE area.

No description available.

As mentioned above, this master thesis is focused on some processes which an election campaign is affected by. In the first place, it analyses processes and trends which are typical for the legal regulation of election campaigns in the Czech Republic. My approach to this topic is centered on restrictive parameter limits which influence election campaigns. The core of the master thesis is naturally aimed at the field of law. The aim of the master thesis is to present basic knowledge of the matter which is still topical in the Czech society based on the fact that elections are held quite often. The master thesis can therefore serve as a source of information for further analysing election campaigns whose main purpose is to win the biggest voters' support. The master thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one concerns a theoretical background of election campaigns. The second one examines an election campaign itself, its legal regulation de lege lata respectively. The third chapter studies general principles relative to conducting an election campaign. The final chapter reflects the current situation in the Czech Republic as regards the direct presidential election.

150 ans après la naissance de Max Weber, cette thèse revient sur l'actualité sociologique du concept de domination charismatique en l'interrogeant au travers de la candidature de José Bové lors de l'élection présidentielle française de 2007. Plutôt que de les opposer, la dimension enchantée du charisme wébérien et son interprétation stratégique sont mobilisées de concert. L'ambition reste de comprendre et d'expliquer les conditions sociales de possibilité et de réception de cette candidature atypique, d'appréhender ce phénomène en retraçant, par une biographie sociologique de José Bové les conditions d'actualisation d'un leadership dans les configurations successives du champ politique comme dans l'ensemble des cercles concentriques qui l'entourent dont une « communauté émotionnelle » hétéroclite. Puis la question de l'anormalité supposée de cette candidature « hors partis » est interrogée au travers de l'analyse des profils des militants engagés et des pratiques militantes observées, à l'aune des travaux existants sur l'engagement militants dans les partis politiques comme dans les mouvements sociaux. L'enquête lie les données quantitatives d'un questionnaire avec 30 entretiens de militants dont certains ont été revus régulièrement pour analyser l'évolution de l'engagement sur le temps long (2007-2011) ; s'ajoute un travail d'analyses des archives audio-visuelles et de presse écrite ainsi qu'un corpus de mails et de pages web qui viennent étoffer les observations participantes réalisées durant 5 années ainsi que deux entretiens avec le candidat. Cette étude de terrain permet à la fois d'actualiser la sociologie politique de l'engagement et du militantisme par l'hybridité des pratiques, politique et mouvementiste, qui s'y déploient et d'interroger l'évolution du champ politique de la gauche de gauche en France en questionnant l'apparente autonomisation des mouvements sociaux vis-à-vis du champ politique. / 150 years after Max Weber’s birth, the aim of this dissertation is to discuss the sociological validity of the charismatic authority concept through the analysis of José Bové’s running for presidential elections in 2007. Rather than opposing the enchanted charisma dimension to its strategic interpretations, the objective is to understand how both dimensions are tangled together. The ambition remains to: first, understand and to explain the social conditions of possibility and the receptions of this atypical candidacy; second, through the analysis of José Bové’s sociological biography, to apprehend the conditions of a leadership actualization both within the political field’s successive configurations and within his surrounding concentric circles, stressing on an heterogeneous “emotional community”. Third, based on political commitment, social parties and social movements literature, this dissertation questions the supposed abnormality of this “outside from the parties” candidacy through the committed militants profiles’ analysis on the one side, and through the observed militant practices on the other. This survey links quantitative data from a questionnaire with a qualitative approach made of 2 interviews with the candidate himself and 30 militants’ in-depth interviews through along period in order to understand the evolution of their commitment (2007-2011). Moreover, an archive work is mobilized concerning audio-visual spots, e-mails, websites and newspapers which aim to expand the participant observations held through 5 years.

Will it be inevitable that the systems in relating to politics and laws undergoing necessary reforms as the economies have been developing since the opening of reforms in China? How are the systems being reformed? What directions are there for reforms? The above questions are the motives for my study. This doctoral dissertation is divided into eight chapters. An ¡§introduction¡¨ is made in Chapter I which describes motives, purposes , methods and expected results of the study. Chapter II refers to the ¡§Discussion theories of the Electoral System of PCC¡¨. It is necessary to take a closer look at the theories on which the electoral system is based before getting to learn the electoral systems in mainland China. Therefore the four theories including ¡§People¡¦s Democratic Dictatorship¡¨, ¡§Combination of Legislation and Execution¡¨, ¡§Democratic Centralism¡¨, and ¡§Socialism Featured with Chinese Characteristics ¡¨ act as the basis for this study. Chapter III elaborates ¡§the development of the electoral system for pre- PCC period before PRC was established¡¨ First of all, the Farmers¡¦ Association is introduced followed by the electoral system for the representatives for the Meeting of Labor, Farmer and Soldier and the electoral system for Senators. Afterwards, the electoral systems for People¡¦s Representative Conference and Political Consultative Conference are described. In Chapter IV, ¡§the development of the electoral system for PCC after the establishment of PRC¡¨ is detailed. According to the modifications or stipulation of electoral laws in PRC, the development is divided into five stages: a. the period of early political establishment (or called: The Period of First Electoral law), b. transition period (or called: The Period of Second Electoral law), c. reforms in an early period (or called: The Period of First time to modify the electoral law ) d. reforms in a middle period (or called: The Period of Second time to modify the electoral law ), e. period being ruled by law (or called: The Period of third time to modify the electoral law ). Chapter V explains ¡§the transition of electoral system and its association with PCC functions¡¨. Three aspects including legislation, budgeting and auditing as will as arrangements of human resources entitled to PCC are analyzed to prove that the changes of an electoral system indeed influence PCC function. In Chapter VI, ¡§disadvantages of PCC electoral system: an analysis on electoral theories ¡¨ are discussed. The disadvantage of the electoral theories both in China and in the in the occident are analyzed. following discussing that has mainland China found its disadvantages shown from the electoral system? In Chapter VII, This chapter is divided into six sections: ¡§multi-candidate election¡¨, ¡§occupational representation election¡¨, ¡§quota for rural villages¡¨, ¡§proxy voting¡¨, finally, reviews on the Community Party association with electoral system, and also discussing concerning about military and compatriot of Taiwan residing in mainland China. The Conclusions are set forth in Chapter VIII. The findings, suggestions and related consequential studies are raised here. The writer considers that we have to study on the reforms of PCC first so as to further understand the situations of democratization in China. For studying the reforms of PCC, we have to find out what the electoral system of PCC in RPC is. It is expected that the progress of democratization in PRC and possible dilemmas encountered by it may be found in the process of the study.

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Thesis (M. Div.)--Trinity International University, 2007. / Abstract. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-117).

Thesis (Th. M.)--Capital Bible Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-85).

Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1993. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2940. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaf 69).

No description available.