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With the media competition coming with Taiwan democracy, it is easy for Taiwanese to search for relevant political information, and the presidential election of Taiwan Election In 2000¡Xthese are all the motivations deriving me to do the research. Here I want to discuss some phenomena from three dimensions with survey. This discourse tries to observe the candidate¡¦s image changes when a crowner was happened in presidential election of Taiwan Election In 2000. Based on theory of ¡§ perceiver - determined principle ¡¨ to analyze relationship among voters¡¦ emographic variables, media behavior and candidate¡¦s image in voters ¡¦mind. Then the study tries to find how the voters¡¦ candidates image how to affect voting decision. In this study, I got the data with trend study. With three times survey data, the study finds that: First, the candidate¡¦s image which in voter mind that can divide into two dimensions: one is ¡§political related characteristics ¡¨, another is ¡§political irrelevant characteristics¡¨. Second, candidate¡¦s image in voters¡¦ mind will affect they judge candidate issue. Third, voters¡¦ demographic variables have relationship with candidate¡¦s image, especially in party. Forth, the candidate¡¦s image in voter mind will change when a when a crowner was happened in election. Final, voters¡¦media behavior and election involvement will affect candidate image in their mind. Besides that, it also finds that voters who have good image on a candidate that they will vote to him. So there is a relation between voting and voters¡¦ candidate image.

"Ouvrages à consulter": p. (220).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 134-142).

This thesis argues that blogging can open up a space for free speech and, at times, facilitate wider debate in the relatively authoritarian society of Malaysia. At the same time, blogging is heavily shaped by the prevailing elite groups and political culture in Malaysian politics. The thesis finds that blogging is able to facilitate the forming of a network of alternative or dissenting views but it can also be dominated by existing elite groups in society. The majority of bloggers are highly educated professionals and many of them are media and political elites. The use of blogging by some civil society and partisan bloggers, particularly pro-UMNO bloggers, to remove political rivals by staging a form of “psychological warfare” points to a dominance of factional politics within UMNO in the Malaysian blogosphere during the 2008 general election. Thus, blogging does provide a space for certain liberal democratic practices but it also reflects existing elite groups and political culture in the country. This thesis also argues that blogging does bring about new ways of campaigning in electoral politics. The use of blogging as part of campaigning among opposition politicians is, however, influenced by the wider institutional and societal structures in society. The findings reveal that blogging can provide a space for mobilising political action. It also allows opposition politicians to disseminate information on campaign activities and promote electoral candidates but blogging loses its appeal among politician-bloggers during the campaigning period. Blogging, thus, does not have a simple across-the-board function of promoting liberal democratic practices and transforming new ways of campaigning in electoral politics. This thesis concludes that an examination of blogging has to be situated within its particular social and political environment in order to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of its influence on democracy and political life.

Studies of political communication in the UK have focused primarily on election campaigns and reportage of parliamentary and public policy issues. In these contexts, two or more parties compete for coverage in the news media. However, the main British party conferences present a different context, where one party's activities form the (almost exclusive) focus of the news media's attention for a week, and that party's leadership 'negotiates' coverage in a direct one-to-one relationship. Conference weeks are the key points in the organizational year for each party (irrespective of their internal arrangements), and a critical period for communicating information about the party to voters at large, especially via television news coverage, which forms the focus of this study. The visual and audio impressions generated in the conference hall shape the way in which citizens not involved with that party perceive its organization, membership and policies. This thesis is the first specialized study of how TV news coverage of party conferences is shaped. Source-centred approaches to understanding the production of news focus on the activities of extra-media actors such as party elites in shaping coverage. Media-centred approaches substantially disagree, stressing the media elites' exercise of discretionary power or licensed autonomy in framing news. Party conference coverage reveals the activities of both party and media elites in an exceptionally clear and uncluttered form. Using qualitative interviews with party and media influentials, content analysis of TV news coverage and transcripts, direct observation of conferences and newsrooms, and collateral material from press coverage, historical material and other sources, this study explores the main stages in the production of news. Parties and media organizations both undertake detailed pre-planning for conference week, in the process negotiating key parameters which shape coverage. Journalistic news gathering activities shape the emergence of stories once the conference week begins. The parties have developed specialist teams to handle immediate news management, taking account of media strategies, but coverage can also be affected by internal dissent inside the parties, and by collective and individual responses among TV organizations. The production of conference news is symbiotic at many levels. The one-to-one character of party-media relations in conference weeks demonstrates clearly that broadcasting organisations exert a disciplinary effect upon political parties. Media pressures have fostered a degree of homogenization in parties' internal structures, and a certain standardization in their previously unique organizational cultures and modes of public self-presentation. Party conferences have come to look and sound similar, partly in response to the organizational demands of media professionals and the emergence of media-oriented party cadres. But access to TV news is also an increasingly effective tool for party leaderships to influence the internal debates and power struggles within the parties themselves.

An investigation of Newsweek, U.S. News and World Report, and Time's content emphasis in articles focusing on the 1980 presidential primary season was conducted in this study. The content emphasis was broken down into four categories: "horserace," "issues," "candidates' personal qualifications," and "other." The categories of "issues" and "candidates' personal qualifications" were combined to form the "substantive" category for the purpose of learning whether the content emphasis of the articles fell into either the "horserace" or "substantive" category.The unit of analysis for this study was the paragraph and a panel of coders was used to determine paragraph classifications. If a paragraph was classified "horserace" its emphasis was entertainment, portraying the campaign as a contest. If a paragraph was classified "substantive" its emphasis was information, concentrating on the issues of the campaign and the qualifications of the candidates.The researcher totaled the raw scores and the percentages of the categories to learn which type of content emphasis was being practiced by the magazines. To substantiate the level of significance in the differences of the raw scores the chi-square test was employed.Findings of the raw score totals in the four categories indicated that 61 percent of the 327 randomly selected paragraphs were classified as having "horserace" content emphasis, 10 percent were classified "issues," 19.3 percent were classified "candidates' personal qualifications," and 9.5 percent were classified "other." The "issues" and "candidates' personal qualifications" categories were combined and represented 29.3 percent.Chi-square tests showed that there were significantly less "substantive" paragraphs than "horserace" paragraphs overall, and Time magazine's coverage was the closest in balance between the two categories.The time period of this study was January 7, 1980 through June 16, 1980. This study also found that Newsweek had the largest amount of campaign coverage with 52 stories in 24 issues; next was Time with 41 stories in 19 issues; followed by U.S. News and World Report with 24 stories about the primary campaign and candidates in 18 issues.

König is a contemporary and influential theologian and his views can not be ignored (Strauss, 2004:123). König (2002:13) regards himself as a reformed theologian, but his doctrine on providence differ from the classic reformed view. In some cases, König's theology is viewed as reformed (eg. his doctrine on justification) but not in all cases, as with the doctrine of providence (Strauss, 2004:139). According to König (2002:33) the classic Reformed understanding of providence is not comforting. Also, according to König, the classic reformed view of providence makes God an evil God who ordains evil, and then sits back and watches as it unfolds. König's (2002:237) solution for the problem of the classic reformed view is that God is not fully in control, but that He will be in control one day. This view of König is in conflict with the reformed confession which confess that God through his providential hand maintains and governs all things. In König's (2002: 226) doctrine of providence he shifts the omnipotence of the Father to the Son. This shift has great implications for different aspects of the reformed dogma, such as the doctrine of the Trinity, Covenant and Election. The conclusion is that König's doctrine of providence is not comforting in the light of the reformed confession, and that it only causes more confusion and distress. / Thesis (MA (Dogmatics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

König is a contemporary and influential theologian and his views can not be ignored (Strauss, 2004:123). König (2002:13) regards himself as a reformed theologian, but his doctrine on providence differ from the classic reformed view. In some cases, König's theology is viewed as reformed (eg. his doctrine on justification) but not in all cases, as with the doctrine of providence (Strauss, 2004:139). According to König (2002:33) the classic Reformed understanding of providence is not comforting. Also, according to König, the classic reformed view of providence makes God an evil God who ordains evil, and then sits back and watches as it unfolds. König's (2002:237) solution for the problem of the classic reformed view is that God is not fully in control, but that He will be in control one day. This view of König is in conflict with the reformed confession which confess that God through his providential hand maintains and governs all things. In König's (2002: 226) doctrine of providence he shifts the omnipotence of the Father to the Son. This shift has great implications for different aspects of the reformed dogma, such as the doctrine of the Trinity, Covenant and Election. The conclusion is that König's doctrine of providence is not comforting in the light of the reformed confession, and that it only causes more confusion and distress. / Thesis (MA (Dogmatics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Thesis (doctoral)--Georg August-Universität zu Göttingen.