<p> <p> </p></p><p> </p><p>Did the mass media report in a different way about the real estate tax before the Swedish national election 2006 than they did after the election? If there were differences, what could be the cause?</p><p>This study aims to answer these questions by using a quantitative analysis of articles about the real estate tax published in the Dagens Nyheter (DN), the biggest morning daily.</p><p> </p><p>The summer before the election, the ‘Alliance’, (the non-socialist coalition, launched an election promise to abolish the real estate tax. Instead they planned to introduce a low community charge.The Alliance won the election and formed a government to implement their election promise.</p><p> </p><p>The analysis was made on all the published articles in DN that covered the real estate tax issue. In total there were 43 such articles. These where all published between the launch of the campaign promise until the electionday and a month before the proposal was launched 19/9 2007, until the proposal was implemented in 2008.</p><p> </p><p>The study results in three interesting conclusions. After the election, when the election promise was about to become political reality, DN reported more negatively about this specific issue. The genre of the articles varied heavily before and after the election. Before the election more news articles where published than after the election and the letters-to-the-editor about the real estate tax were published almost only before the election. This study also treats the intresting phenomenon that the Alliance, before the election, had the power to define their election promise but after the election they seem to have lost this power and instead the real estate tax question was defined by the media. The Alliance claimed that they would  ”abolish the real estate tax and introduce a low community charge” and DN used this definition in their newspaper. After the election, DN reported about the election as a new real estate tax, which is a very different thing.</p>

Did the mass media report in a different way about the real estate tax before the Swedish national election 2006 than they did after the election? If there were differences, what could be the cause? This study aims to answer these questions by using a quantitative analysis of articles about the real estate tax published in the Dagens Nyheter (DN), the biggest morning daily.   The summer before the election, the ‘Alliance’, (the non-socialist coalition, launched an election promise to abolish the real estate tax. Instead they planned to introduce a low community charge.The Alliance won the election and formed a government to implement their election promise.   The analysis was made on all the published articles in DN that covered the real estate tax issue. In total there were 43 such articles. These where all published between the launch of the campaign promise until the electionday and a month before the proposal was launched 19/9 2007, until the proposal was implemented in 2008.   The study results in three interesting conclusions. After the election, when the election promise was about to become political reality, DN reported more negatively about this specific issue. The genre of the articles varied heavily before and after the election. Before the election more news articles where published than after the election and the letters-to-the-editor about the real estate tax were published almost only before the election. This study also treats the intresting phenomenon that the Alliance, before the election, had the power to define their election promise but after the election they seem to have lost this power and instead the real estate tax question was defined by the media. The Alliance claimed that they would  ”abolish the real estate tax and introduce a low community charge” and DN used this definition in their newspaper. After the election, DN reported about the election as a new real estate tax, which is a very different thing.

Rinkimų institutas yra labai svarbus elementas konstitucinėje demokratijoje. Demokratinėje visuomenėje suvereniteto šaltinis – Tauta, suteikia galią valstybės valdžios institucijoms. Formuojant politines atstovaujamąsias institucijas rinkimų būdu, reikia užtikrinti tam tikrų fundamentalių taisyklių laikymąsi. Pagrindiniai principai yra šie: visuotinė rinkimų teisė, lygūs rinkimai, laisvi rinkimai, slaptas balsavimas ir tiesioginiai rinkimai. Šių principų turinį sudaro smulkesni reikalavimai, kurių analizė yra svarbi siekiant suprasti principo esmę. Rinkimų principai suponuoja ne tik teises, bet ir tam tikras rinkėjo pareigas. Pagrindiniai rinkimų teisės principai yra dažnai vadinami Europos rinkimų arba konstitucinės teisės paveldu. Rinkimų teisės principai, kuriais vadovaujantis turi būti organizuojami ir vykdomi rinkimai, yra įtvirtinti įvairios juridinės galios nacionaliniuose teisės aktuose, taip pat tarptautinės teisės normomis. Tik įtvirtinimo nepakanka, turi būti sukurtas teisės normų aparatas, kuris padėtų užtikrinti šių principų įgyvendinimą ir apsaugą. Lietuvos Konstitucijoje ir rinkimų įstatymuose yra įtvirtinti visi šie principai. Stabilus apsaugos aparatas negali susiformuoti dėl dažnai keičiamų rinkimų įstatymų nuostatų. Magistro darbe analizuojamas rinkimų principų turinys: atskleidžiamos ir plačiau nei iki šiol aptariamos principų sudėtinės dalys; įvertinamos ir analizuojamos problemos kylančios įgyvendinant rinkimų principus ir užtikrinant jų apsaugą... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Election law is the main element of the constitutional democracy. In democratic society the Nation, as the holder of suverenity, grants power to the authority institutions. Fundamental rules must be implemented during the formation of political representative bodies. Fundamental principles are: universal election, equal election, free election, secret suffrage and direct suffrage. These principles consists of narrower regulations, which are important for the nature of the main principle. Electors’ rights and duties originate from principles of the election law. Main principles of the election law are sometimes called Europe’s electoral or constitutional law heritage. These principles are the main rules for organizing and administrating the process of election. Constitutional democracy requires that national authoritues should povide effective legal basis to implement and safeguard these rules. These principles are regulated in the Constitution of Lithuania and election statutes. Well-established safeguard apparatus can not be created, since statutes are often changed. This research is focused on the content of principles of the election: it discloses and gives broader understanding of the compaund elements of the principles; the research focuses on the problems deriving from the implementation and safeguard of the main principles.

本研究針對1996年至2008年台灣總統大選的造勢活動，挑選各次大選中特定的大型造勢活動做為個案研究分析，分別在文宣策略、活動幅員、媒體效果及民意支持度等影響層面做為分析指標，輔以當年曾參與選舉的競選工作人員及記者的深度訪談，找出四次總統選舉各類造勢活動的類型及表現方式，並分析各項類型活動在每次大選運用的變化。 研究個案的選擇指標是以影響性及大型活動(Mega-events)規模的條件來篩選，依序探討1996年陳履安「行腳祈福」、2000年陳水扁「百萬人民站出來」、2004年陳水扁「牽手護台灣」及2008年「Long Stay下鄉長住」四個案例。以四次不同年代的總統副總統選舉中特定單一的造勢活動，依據「事件行銷」及「選舉造勢活動」對大型活動(Mega-events)的分類，以及SWOT優劣勢分析模式進行個案研究。 本研究深入訪問四個案的競選總部高階負責人，以及當時擔任該造勢活動的媒體採訪記者，以「半結構性訪談」方式，了解四個案造勢活動的規劃及執行細節，以及受訪者認為該造勢活動個案對選戰的影響效果。 研究發現大型競選造勢活動能夠型塑及強化選戰主軸、且達成多項競選功能成效，並加深勝選的助力。最後綜合比較四大個案，分析在各自年代的歷史意義、選情熱度以及投入資源程度的不同，對當年以及往後選舉的影響層面也有不同的意義。 / This study investigates the impacts of campaign events (rallies) on the result of Taiwan’s presidential elections from 1996 to2008. The analysis focuses on the campaign strategies, the scale of the activities, media effects as well as the strength of public support at each campaign event. Combining with in-depth interviews with campaign office staff and journalists, the study aims at detecting the patterns of the campaign rallies, and their impacts on the particular presidential election. Four significant campaign events (also known as Mega Events) are selected for this study and they are: Chen Li-an’s " Blessing March" in 1996, Chen Shui-bian’s "Million People to Stand Up" in 2000, Chen Shui-bian’s "Hand in hand to cherish Taiwan " in 2004, and Ma Ying-jeou’s " Long Stay" in 2008. The cases are chosen based on the scale and size of the activities and their potential impacts on election outcomes. In addition to event analysis, semi-structured interviews were conducted with the high-level executives from the campaign headquarters of the chosen cases and journalists who were following these events at that time, to provide an in-depth analysis on planning and execution details, and to gauge the impacts of each rally from the interviewees’ perspectives. The findings suggest that large-scale campaign rallies are indeed capable of strengthening campaign fever, consolidating supports, and thus, enhance the chance of winning. Last but not the least, a comprehensive comparison of the four mega-events (including the analysis of the historical meaning of the event at that time period, citizen enthusiasm to the particular election, and resources allocation for each event) is included in the discussion. The findings suggest that each event does have a different historical meaning at its own time and has impacted on subsequent elections.

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur den politiska gestaltningen i de svenska dagstidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet skiljer sig åt under olika tidsperioder och därmed vid de olika valen; Europaparlamentsvalet samt Svenskt Riksdagsval. Uppsatsen utgår från teorier om andrahandsval och vad det innebär samt teorier om mediegestaltning av politik och vilken roll det kan ha. Uppsatsen jämför Europaparlamentsvalet 2014 med Svenska Riksdagsvalet 2014 för att belysa skillnaderna mellan de två valen samt hur de gestaltas i nämnda dagstidningar. Vidare belyses läsaren om hur Europaparlamentsvalet har förändrats över tid genom en undersökning av perioden år 2003-2004 i syftet att uppmärksamma hur Europaparlamentsvalet som ägde rum år 2004 gestaltades och tolkades av samma svenska dagstidningar då som vid senare tidsperiod. Uppsatsen avslutar i att diskutera resultatet och gör försök att förklara Europaparlamentsvalet position idag samt i framtiden utifrån den empiri och de teorier om andrahandsval som uppsatsen utgick från.

Quels sont les éléments qui ont une influence sur le vote ?En tentant de répondre à cette question fondamentale en démocratie, les travaux de recherche ont mis au jour les différents paramètres à prendre en compte lors d'une campagne électorale. Aussi, quand un candidat ne propose que des avantages individuels pour les électeurs, le débat ne s'élève pas au-dessus des satisfactions personnelles de chaque électeur. Promesses, distribution de prébendes et autorisations dérogatoires au droit commun ne constituent alors qu'un catalogue de propositions diverses. Les systèmes de valeurs, les principes, les opinions, l'appartenance et les familles politiques s'effacent devant la personnalité du candidat, et les avantages attendus par chaque électeur. / What are the factors that influence the vote ? In attempting to answer this fundamental question in a democracy, the research revealed the various parameters to be considered during an election campaign. Also, when a candidate only offers benefits to individual voters, the debate does not rise above each voter's personal satisfaction. Promises, distributing bribes, and derogation to the common law permits then constitute a catalog of various proposals. Systems of values, principles, beliefs, membership and political families are superseded by the candidate's personality, and the expected benefits of each voter. / En un intento de responder a esta pregunta fundamental en una democracia , la investigación ha pusto de manifesto los diferentes parámetros a tener en cuenta durante la campaña electoral. Además, cuando un candidato sólo ofrece beneficios a los votantes individuales, el debate no se levanta por encima de la satisfacción personal de cada votante. Promesas, distribución de sobornos, y permisos derogatorios a la ley común constituyen un catálogo de las diversas propuestas. Los sistemas de valores, principios, creencias, la pertenencia y las familias políticas se desvanecen ante la personalidad del candidato, así como los beneficios esperados de cada votante.

This study explores the ways in which federal and state authorities have sought to deal with a difficult problem of political power in the context of the U.S. Constitution. Oregon reapportionment history offers an appropriate introduction to a critique of the national reapportionment decisions of Baker vs Carr and Reynolds vs Sims. Its Constitution stipulated population and the ratio derived from a population based formula were the means by which apportionment was to be determined and noncompliance had been particularly evident from 1933 to 1952. Also, by the initiative process and a decision by the Oregon Supreme Court, Oregon had resolved its reapportionment problem before national action was taken, demonstrating that a state could resolve such problems without national intervention. The critique of Baker vs Carr is an attempt to examine the soundness of its judicial logic and thereby to demonstrate the impact it has had in perpetrating certain concepts of government. The data consulted included interviews with people directly involved in the events considered, Supreme Court decisions, secondary studies, state documents containing legislative minutes and exhibits. Oregon reapportionment history shows the ability of a state to solve a controversial political problem through the initiative process. However, the judicial logic in Baker vs Carr has created a new majoritarian philosophy of government that is unmindful of traditional concepts of federalism, and the Oregon experience.

The final debate in Swedish television has, since it´s start 1956, been one of the most intense and important elements of the media coverage in the Swedish election campaigns. In the beginning of  1991 the Swedish television monopoly was dismissed and made way for a new situation of competing between public service and new actors of the television market.   This study explores how the final debate in Swedish public service television has changed between  1994 and 2010. This was done by studying the five debates which was broadcasted the week before the election day 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010. This study aims to provide information on how the staging and structure of the program has changed since the television monopoly was dismissed and the development of relationships and power between actors in the final debate (hosts and politicians) between 1994 and 2010.   This study was conducted using critical discourse analysis and qualitative content analysis on these five final debates retrieved from Research Service, department of audiovisual media.   The results show that the power of media has grown during this period and that the final debate has gone from being controlled by political logic to being controlled by media logic. In practice this has  led to final debates that are increased in time, simplified, and controlled by the hosts rather than the politicians.

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This thesis explores the how the media filtered the rhetoric of candidate Donald Trump, specifically concerning how both right wing and left wing media reported his campaign announcement speech in June of 2015.