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As mentioned above, this master thesis is focused on some processes which an election campaign is affected by. In the first place, it analyses processes and trends which are typical for the legal regulation of election campaigns in the Czech Republic. My approach to this topic is centered on restrictive parameter limits which influence election campaigns. The core of the master thesis is naturally aimed at the field of law. The aim of the master thesis is to present basic knowledge of the matter which is still topical in the Czech society based on the fact that elections are held quite often. The master thesis can therefore serve as a source of information for further analysing election campaigns whose main purpose is to win the biggest voters' support. The master thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one concerns a theoretical background of election campaigns. The second one examines an election campaign itself, its legal regulation de lege lata respectively. The third chapter studies general principles relative to conducting an election campaign. The final chapter reflects the current situation in the Czech Republic as regards the direct presidential election.

Contribuições de campanha afetam decisões públicas ou a atuação pós-eleitoral de atores políticos? Cientistas Políticos debruçam-se sobre esta questão há bastante tempo. No entanto, as respostas obtidas foram sempre ambíguas. Argumenta-se aqui que esta ambigüidade é em parte resultado de dificuldades metodológicas, muitas vezes malendereçadas, enfrentadas pelos analistas, como os problemas relativos a simultaneidade, a variáveis omitidas, geralmente não-observáveis, e ao estabelecimento do contrafatual adequado. Neste trabalho procuraremos contornar estes problemas através da utilização do método quase-experimental de regressão descontínua. Especificamente, iremos examinar a relação entre contribuições de campanha e a alocação de contratos públicos no Brasil. A pergunta a ser respondida é: existiu efeito de se exercer o mandato de deputado federal sobre os contratos públicos futuros recebidos por doadores dos candidatos na eleição de 2006? A conclusão a que se chegou foi de que a análise realizada nos permite afirmar que ter exercido ao menos um ano do mandato de deputado federal parece ter influenciado a quantidade de contratos públicos recebidos pelos doadores de candidatos eleitos por pequena margem na eleição de 2006, no Brasil, se consideramos apenas empresas que doaram para eleitos e apenas empresas que doaram para não-eleitos. / Do campaign contributions affect public decisions or the post-election actions of political actors? Political Scientists have battled this issue for a long time. However, the responses achieved have always been somewhat ambiguous. In this work it is argued that this ambiguity is partly the result of methodological difficulties, poorly addressed at many occasions, faced by the analysts, such as the problems of simultaneity, omitted variables, generally unobservable, and the establishment of the appropriate counterfactual. In this work we will try to circumvent these problems by using the quasi-experimental method of regression discontinuity. Specifically, we will examine the relationship between campaign contributions and the allocation of public contracts in Brazil. The question to be answered is whether there was an effect of exercising the mandate of federal deputy on future contracts received by donors to federal deputy candidates in the 2006 election? The conclusion reached was that the analysis allows us to affirm that having exercised at least one year of office for a federal deputy seems to have influenced the amount of contracts received by the donors of candidates elected by small margins in the 2006 election, in Brazil, if we consider companies who donated only to elected candidates and only to non-elected candidates.

In spring 1958, the political work of developing a new pension system stalled, after they conducted the negotiations between the government and the opposition stranded. The Social Democratic government was keen to get through a pension proposition and chose to submit its proposal to the Parliament, in the hope that members of the opposition would abandon their party line. The government previously lost its majority in the second chamber, since the Center Party left the government because they were of a different opinion than the Social Democrats. The Social Democrats Party of Prime Minister Tage Erlander in the forefront plunged to govern in minority. On April 26, conducted the vote in parliament vote which rejected the Social Democrats' proposals and Prime Minister Tage Erlander announced that he would seek the King to dissolve parliament because it then would be new elections to the parliament lower house on June 1. There came an dissolution and an election campaign was to wait before the Swedes would go to the polls. In the study, the campaign portrayed the basis of the Dagens Nyheter, Arbetet and Svenska dagbladet conveys the image of news articles and editorials. An election campaign that was dominated by the issue of pensions in the first place but also the People's struggle for a consensus and a opposition hope of a change of power. Keywords: Pension, consensus, social security, government option and election campaign

Contribuições de campanha afetam decisões públicas ou a atuação pós-eleitoral de atores políticos? Cientistas Políticos debruçam-se sobre esta questão há bastante tempo. No entanto, as respostas obtidas foram sempre ambíguas. Argumenta-se aqui que esta ambigüidade é em parte resultado de dificuldades metodológicas, muitas vezes malendereçadas, enfrentadas pelos analistas, como os problemas relativos a simultaneidade, a variáveis omitidas, geralmente não-observáveis, e ao estabelecimento do contrafatual adequado. Neste trabalho procuraremos contornar estes problemas através da utilização do método quase-experimental de regressão descontínua. Especificamente, iremos examinar a relação entre contribuições de campanha e a alocação de contratos públicos no Brasil. A pergunta a ser respondida é: existiu efeito de se exercer o mandato de deputado federal sobre os contratos públicos futuros recebidos por doadores dos candidatos na eleição de 2006? A conclusão a que se chegou foi de que a análise realizada nos permite afirmar que ter exercido ao menos um ano do mandato de deputado federal parece ter influenciado a quantidade de contratos públicos recebidos pelos doadores de candidatos eleitos por pequena margem na eleição de 2006, no Brasil, se consideramos apenas empresas que doaram para eleitos e apenas empresas que doaram para não-eleitos. / Do campaign contributions affect public decisions or the post-election actions of political actors? Political Scientists have battled this issue for a long time. However, the responses achieved have always been somewhat ambiguous. In this work it is argued that this ambiguity is partly the result of methodological difficulties, poorly addressed at many occasions, faced by the analysts, such as the problems of simultaneity, omitted variables, generally unobservable, and the establishment of the appropriate counterfactual. In this work we will try to circumvent these problems by using the quasi-experimental method of regression discontinuity. Specifically, we will examine the relationship between campaign contributions and the allocation of public contracts in Brazil. The question to be answered is whether there was an effect of exercising the mandate of federal deputy on future contracts received by donors to federal deputy candidates in the 2006 election? The conclusion reached was that the analysis allows us to affirm that having exercised at least one year of office for a federal deputy seems to have influenced the amount of contracts received by the donors of candidates elected by small margins in the 2006 election, in Brazil, if we consider companies who donated only to elected candidates and only to non-elected candidates.

The Master's thesis focuses on election campaign and communication strategy of political party TOP 09 in elections in 2013. The goal of this thesis is to analyze communication strategy of political party TOP 09 in election campaign, to analyze individual tools of communication and to evaluate the quality of their implementation. The thesis is divided into two parts. First theoretical part aims to define political marketing and his individual concepts and models, and then election campaigns and strategies. In analytical part of thesis it will be accomplished the strategic analysis of party TOP 09 and then analysis of communication strategy. Evaluation of communication strategy of political party TOP 09 and proposals to streamline is the important part of this thesis.

Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt das jüngste Element der Wahlkampfkommu¬nikation in den Mittelpunkt: das Internet. In den USA spielte das sogenannte E-Campaigning bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen erstmals im Jahr 2000 eine wichtige Rolle. Bereits 2002 fasste es auch in Deutschland bei Bundestags¬wahlen zum ersten Mal Fuß. Um sich diesem Untersuchungsgegenstand der politi¬schen Kommunikation systematisch zu nähern, wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Vorbilds ein eigener Ansatz – eine sogenannte Nullmessung – entwickelt. Diese wurde dann anlässlich des Bundestagswahlkampfes 2002 anhand der Internet-Wahlkampfaktivitäten der im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien durchgeführt und im Wahlkampf 2005 ergänzt. Vergleicht man die Untersuchungsergebnisse mit den Zielen, die damals von den Parteien nach eigenen Angaben mit ihren Onlinekampagnen verfolgt wurden, zeigt sich, dass die Internetauftritte den öffentlich von den Kampagnenmanagern artikulierten Ansprüchen, nicht gerecht wurden. Die Chance, die für den Wahlsieg wichtige Gruppe der Wechselwähler gezielt anzusprechen, wurde beispielsweise nicht hinreichend genutzt. Die Analyse zeigt, dass das aus den Betrachtungen der US-amerikanischen Kampagnen bekannte Online-Instrumentarium häufig nur kopiert und dann auch nicht zielgerichtet und konsequent genug eingesetzt wurde. An den Internetkampagnen der deutschen Parteien ist ebenfalls zu erkennen, dass sie bei der Übernahme US-amerikanischer Internetformate keine Rücksicht auf die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Randbedingungen beider Länder genommen haben, die sich beispielsweise bei der Bereitschaft zur Unterstützung politischer Kampagnen aus¬wirken. Das Internet ist als eigenständiges Kampagneninstrument in den Dimensionen „Darstellung“, „Aktivierung“ und „Steuerung“ nicht erkennbar. Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass im Internet gerade für eine spezifisch deutsche Wahlkampfführung noch ein erhebliches strategisches Potenzial liegt, welches 2002 und 2005 nicht genutzt wurde. / This paper focuses on the latest element in electronic election campaign communication: the Internet. In the USA, e-campaigning first played a major role during presidential elections in the year 2000. By 2002 it had already begun to gain ground at Germany’s federal elections. In order to examine this aspect of political communication systematically, a dedicated approach known as baseline measurement was developed on the basis of the US American example. It was then applied to the Internet election campaign activities of the parties represented in Germany’s parliament during the 2002 federal election campaign, and then supplemented to include the 2005 campaign. If we compare the results of the study with the objectives which the parties said they were pursuing in their online campaigns, we see that those online campaigns did not fulfil the aspirations articulated publicly by campaign managers. For example, the opportunity to address swing voters, who are crucial to election victory, was inadequately utilised. Analysis reveals that the online instruments familiar to observers of US American campaigns were often simply copied and then not applied consistently enough or with sufficient attention to aims. The Internet campaigns run by German parties also indicated that when adopting US American Internet formats, they ignored the social differences between the two countries that affect things like people’s willingness to support political campaigns. The Internet was not recognisable as an independent campaign instrument used in the dimensions of Portrayal, Activation or Control. This paper shows that the Internet still harbours considerable strategic potential for specifically German election campaign management – potential which was not utilised in 2002 or 2005.

Diploma thesis "Media campaigns of Silvio Berlusconi during general elections from 1994 to 2008" deals with the election campaigns and their cover in mass media. It summarizes style of campaign of the Berlusconi's political party Forza Italia and his coalition. The thesis compares these campaigns with those of main opposition, left- central coalition. The beginning of the thesis devotes to the résumé of Berlusconi's biography and to his entry to the politics. Further chapters summarize political situation between single campaign and they describe these campaign including their media cover. Significant space is devoted to potential influence on voter's decision because of the Berlusconi's media empire and because of his control over dominant commercial television stations Mediaset.

Cette thèse se propose d’analyser toutes les questions liées au financement descampagnes électorales en vue des élections présidentielles. En effet, l’éclosion desaffaires de corruption politique, ayant révélé l’influence de l’argent dans la viepolitique, le financement des campagnes électorales a fait l’objet de débats dansplusieurs démocraties. Une comparaison entre la France et le Brésil, deuxdémocraties ou les systèmes électoraux différent, tente de montrer que le pouvoir del’argent peut influencer les élections, spécialement celles du président de laRépublique. Cette recherche aborde donc des questions relatives à laréglementation et au contrôle du financement des campagnes électorales à la Hautefonction publique. Y sont décrits de manière exhaustive avec pour modèlecomparative, les points positifs ainsi que les faiblesses des deux systèmes face à unmême ‘’ennemi’’ : l’influence de l’argent dans la vie politique. / This thesis intends to analyse all matters regarding financing election campaigns inpresidential elections. Actually, after political corruption outbreaks, revealing theinfluence money has on politics, financing of the election campaigns turned out to bethe object of discussion in many democracies. A comparison between France andBrazil, two democracies with two different electoral systems, intends to show how thepower of money can influence election, mainly in presidential campaigns. Thisresearch address issues relating to regulation and control of election campaignsfinancials of the highest public role. They are exhaustively described, having ascomparative models France and Brazil, strong points as well as weak points of bothsystems facing the same enemy: the influence of money in the political life.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos francisco soares ferreira.pdf: 1978054 bytes, checksum: e78bba4d9dfc01921d522faf9bb33501 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The work of this dissertation has as its object of study "The use of Twitter in the 2010 presidential elections." It has as main objectives: 1) Analyze Twitter as a communication tool in the elections. 2) Identify the use of Twitter by the three main candidates for presidency of the republic in the presidential elections in Brazil in 2010. This is an exploratory research, which systematizes the empirical data collected directly from Twitter candidates surveyed. To that end, we collected all the tweets of the three candidates surveyed: Dilma Roussef, Marina Silva and Jose Serra, published between 06/07/2010 and 06/11/2010.The survey results were organized into three chapters, the first of which is democracy, elections and public sphere, the second discusses the elections in Brazil and the third chapter presents the use of Twitter in the presidential elections in Brazil. / O presente trabalho de dissertação de mestrado tem como objeto de estudo “O uso do Twitter nas eleições presidenciais de 2010.” Apresenta como objetivos principais: 1) Analisar o Twitter como ferramenta de comunicação nas eleições. 2) Identificar o uso do Twitter pelos três principais candidatos a presidência da república no Brasil nas eleições presidenciais em 2010. Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória, que sistematiza dados empíricos coletados diretamente do Twitter dos candidatos pesquisados. Para isto foram coletados todos os tweets dos três candidatos pesquisados: Dilma Roussef, Marina Silva e José Serra, publicados entre 06/07/2010 e 06/11/2010.Os resultados da pesquisa foram organizados em três capítulos, sendo que o primeiro trata da democracia, esfera pública e eleições, o segundo aborda as eleições no Brasil e o terceiro capítulo apresenta o uso do Twitter nas eleições presidenciais no Brasil.