Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvana Gobbi Martinho.pdf: 1510344 bytes, checksum: 2022f9db8805a08bfa2edba674da0d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The work aimed to study new forms of humor on the Internet, from the analysis of the site Charges.com during the year 2006. To develop the study, animations related to the theme of politics were selected, in which the main candidates for the presidential election were caricatured - Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin and Heloisa Helena - or they were references. It was based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis aimed at identifying the main issues discussed and frameworks together with a description of the features of the animations. We conclude that the site has followed the logic of mass media, with a political agenda guided by the traditional media, holding a spectacle of contemporary society also at humor scope / O trabalho pretendeu estudar as novas formas de humor presentes na Internet, a partir da análise do site Charges.com, durante o ano de 2006. Para realizar o estudo foram selecionadas as animações relacionadas ao tema da política, nas quais eram caricaturados os principais candidatos a presidência da República Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin e Heloisa Helena - ou a eles faziam referências. Foi empregada uma análise quantitativa e qualitativa com o objetivo de identificar os principais temas debatidos e enquadramentos em conjunto com uma descrição dos elementos característicos das animações. Concluímos que o site seguiu a lógica da grande mídia, com uma agenda política pautada pelos Meios de Comunicação tradicionais, sustentando um espetacularização da sociedade contemporânea inclusive no âmbito o humor

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvana Gobbi Martinho.pdf: 1510344 bytes, checksum: 2022f9db8805a08bfa2edba674da0d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The work aimed to study new forms of humor on the Internet, from the analysis of the site Charges.com during the year 2006. To develop the study, animations related to the theme of politics were selected, in which the main candidates for the presidential election were caricatured - Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin and Heloisa Helena - or they were references. It was based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis aimed at identifying the main issues discussed and frameworks together with a description of the features of the animations. We conclude that the site has followed the logic of mass media, with a political agenda guided by the traditional media, holding a spectacle of contemporary society also at humor scope / O trabalho pretendeu estudar as novas formas de humor presentes na Internet, a partir da análise do site Charges.com, durante o ano de 2006. Para realizar o estudo foram selecionadas as animações relacionadas ao tema da política, nas quais eram caricaturados os principais candidatos a presidência da República Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Geraldo Alckmin e Heloisa Helena - ou a eles faziam referências. Foi empregada uma análise quantitativa e qualitativa com o objetivo de identificar os principais temas debatidos e enquadramentos em conjunto com uma descrição dos elementos característicos das animações. Concluímos que o site seguiu a lógica da grande mídia, com uma agenda política pautada pelos Meios de Comunicação tradicionais, sustentando um espetacularização da sociedade contemporânea inclusive no âmbito o humor

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-10T13:28:10Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alex Diniz Lopes - 2016.pdf: 1300568 bytes, checksum: 19dd93da23247e7073a1283ade4c3e7a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-10T13:34:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alex Diniz Lopes - 2016.pdf: 1300568 bytes, checksum: 19dd93da23247e7073a1283ade4c3e7a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T13:34:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alex Diniz Lopes - 2016.pdf: 1300568 bytes, checksum: 19dd93da23247e7073a1283ade4c3e7a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-20 / The National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) and one of the world's development banks and the main instrument of Federal Government long term investment and Financing in almost all the segments of the Brazilian economy. Last doze years, one of the main features of national economic policy was the increase in bank acting, of increasing loans and their greater participation in the Brazilian economy. While some of the resources have been directed one other state entities, the largest share of expenditures, was destined to private companies, in the form of fusions operations or support for investment Projects, most of the time, with interest rates subsidized. In list of companies that were more benefited by the Bank loans include contumacious donors of election campaigns. The possible political influence over the decisions of the BNDES is a very important aspect, in that it is a federal public company, its resources come mainly from public funds as FAT and the National Treasury, originating mainly in the taxes paid by citizens and businesses. This study analyzed the relationship between the financing of election campaigns and the BNDES credit operations. In order to understand the dynamics between the elections and the state of the credit policy we used the regression method with panel data, using quantitative information on: a) provision of election campaigns accounts available in the electronic site of Election-TSE Superior Court; and b) List of direct and indirect operations not automatic BNDES, available on the Site of the National Bank for Economic and Social Development. The results showed that the donations campaign designed to related parties the president of the republic positively influence the BNDES loans and, on the other hand, the donations the opposition parties have the opposite effect. In this same vein, it was found also evidence that there is a positive relationship between the victory of candidate recipient of donations, especially for the post of federal deputy, and access to BNDES credit. / O Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES) é um dos maiores bancos de desenvolvimento do mundo e o principal instrumento do Governo Federal para o financiamento de longo prazo e investimento em diversos segmentos da economia brasileira. Nos últimos doze anos, uma das principais características da política econômica nacional foi o aumento da atuação do banco, com volumes de empréstimos crescentes e sua maior participação na economia brasileira. Embora parte dos recursos tenha-se dirigido a outros entes estatais, a maior fatia dos dispêndios, foi destinada a empresas privadas, seja em forma de operações de fusões e aquisições ou apoio a projetos de investimento, na maioria das vezes, com taxas de juros subsidiadas. Na lista das empresas que mais foram beneficiadas por empréstimos do banco figuram doadoras contumazes de campanhas eleitorais. A possível influência política sobre as decisões do BNDES é um aspecto bastante relevante, na medida em que se trata de uma empresa pública federal, cujos recursos provêm, essencialmente, de fundos públicos como o Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador e do Tesouro Nacional, ou seja, com origem principalmente, nos tributos pagos pelo cidadão e empresas. O presente trabalho analisou a relação existente entre o financiamento de campanhas eleitorais e as operações de crédito do BNDES. Com o objetivo de entender a dinâmica existente entre as eleições e a política de crédito da estatal empregou-se o método de regressão com dados em painel, utilizando informações quantitativas relativas à: a) prestação de contas de campanhas eleitorais, disponíveis no sitio eletrônico do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral-TSE; e b) Lista de operações diretas e indiretas não automáticas do BNDES, disponível no Sitio do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social. Os resultados demonstraram que as doações de campanha eleitoral destinadas a partidos coligados ao do presidente da república influenciam positivamente o montante dos empréstimos do BNDES, e que, por outro lado, as doações realizadas a partidos não coligados ao presidente, têm o efeito contrário. Nesta mesma linha, encontrou-se, também, evidências de que existe relação positiva entre a vitória do candidato destinatário das doações, notadamente para o cargo de deputado federal, e o acesso ao crédito do BNDES.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Title: From old rightwing-ghost to the new labour party – The new conservatives political communication during the Swedish election 2006</p><p>Authors: Pontus Caresten</p><p>Aim: The aim of the essay is to study how the conservative party communicated during the election campaign in 2006. I wish to find out how political parties work in todays society and how the communication has changed over time. To get relevant results I will also see how the theories and empirics interact. The purpose is further to illustrate the new conservatives’ campaign work from a senders point of view.</p><p>Method/Material: I have chosen a qualitative method which consists of three interviews with relevant key persons. I also did an content analysis of the campaign material. In order to carry out the empirical study I chose to depart from existing theories and compare these with the empirics.</p><p>Main results: The new conservatives have altered their political communication to fit todays society, and the market is increasingly important. The conservatives have gone though a major internal change since Fredrik Reinfeldt was elected to be head of the party. Today, the conservatives campaign work is professional and the party uses external experts to maximize the efficiency of the communication.</p><p>Number of pages: 38</p><p>Course: Media- and communication studies C</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, department of information science, Uppsala University,</p><p>Period: HT 2006</p><p>Tutor: Lowe Hedman</p><p>Keywords: Political communication, political marketing, election campaign</p>

Abstract Title: From old rightwing-ghost to the new labour party – The new conservatives political communication during the Swedish election 2006 Authors: Pontus Caresten Aim: The aim of the essay is to study how the conservative party communicated during the election campaign in 2006. I wish to find out how political parties work in todays society and how the communication has changed over time. To get relevant results I will also see how the theories and empirics interact. The purpose is further to illustrate the new conservatives’ campaign work from a senders point of view. Method/Material: I have chosen a qualitative method which consists of three interviews with relevant key persons. I also did an content analysis of the campaign material. In order to carry out the empirical study I chose to depart from existing theories and compare these with the empirics. Main results: The new conservatives have altered their political communication to fit todays society, and the market is increasingly important. The conservatives have gone though a major internal change since Fredrik Reinfeldt was elected to be head of the party. Today, the conservatives campaign work is professional and the party uses external experts to maximize the efficiency of the communication. Number of pages: 38 Course: Media- and communication studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, department of information science, Uppsala University, Period: HT 2006 Tutor: Lowe Hedman Keywords: Political communication, political marketing, election campaign

Titel: Ris eller ros i svensk press? – en studie av Sverigedemokraternas gestaltning i två svenska tidningar under valrörelsen 2010 Författare: Emelie Pettersson Handledare: Christer Clerwall Kurs: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap III Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades i tidningarna Dagens nyheter och Expressen, inför valet 2010. Studien ämnar även kunna finna likheter eller skillnader i gestaltningen, i morgonpress respektive kvällspress. Teori: Studien har en tydlig teoretisk utgångspunkt, gestaltningsteorin. Gestaltningsteorin belyser mediers makt i dess olika form, på olika nivåer och med olika genomslagskraft. Studien utgår främst från Robert Entmans tankar om mediers gestaltningar. Vidare blir även forskning om läsning och läsbeteende centralt. Den delen belyser hur vi läser och vilken roll rubriker och bilder spelar för vårt åsiktsbildande. Metod: Undersökningen har utgjorts av innehållsanalyser. Fenomenet mixed methods har tillämpats, vilket innebär att en och samma undersökning tar två riktningar, för att komplettera varandras brister. Undersökningen har alltså haft både en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ ansats. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen har tillämpats på 103 artiklar, och utifrån de mönster som framkommit, har den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen sedan applicerats på sju artiklar. Resultat: Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraterna har gestaltats i negativ klang i majoriteten av artiklarna. Om partiet var huvudperson i artiklarna, var gestaltningen oftast negativ. Då Sverigedemokraterna gestaltades på neutralt vis, var de istället oftast inte artikelns huvudperson. Det var även så att partiet oftast gestaltades med hjälp av negativt laddade ord. Partiet fick dessutom i majoriteten av fallen inte komma till tals i artiklarna. Dagens nyheter och Expressen har visat på mer skillnader än likheter i sina gestaltningar, men dessa skillnader blir trots allt inte så stora i praktiken, då båda tidningarna främst levererar en övervägande negativ bild av partiet. / Title: Praise or Blame in Swedish Press – a study of the framing of the Swedish Deomcrats in two Swedish newspapers during the election campaign of 2010. Author: Emelie Pettersson Tutor: Christer Clerwall Course: Media and Communication Studies III Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to find out how the Swedish Democrats was framed in the newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Expressen in the election campaign of 2010. The paper also aims to find similarities and differences in the framing of the party in morning newspapers and tabloids. Theory: This paper has a distinct theoretical point of departure, framing theory. Framing theory sheds a light on the power of media in its different forms, on all levels, and its different kinds of impact. The paper departs mainly from thoughts of Robert Entman about the different depictions of media. Further on, research about reading and behaviour of reading also becomes central. That part raises how we read and what role head lines and images play in our formation of opinions. Method: The study has been done with analyses of content. Mixed methods have been applied to the study, which means that the same study has been made in both a quantitative way and a qualitative way, in order to supplement each other’s shortages. The quantitative analyses of content have been applied to 103 articles and from patterns revealed in those analyses the qualitative analyses of content has been applied on seven articles. Result: The result of the study shows that the Swedish Democrats has been framed in a negative way in the majority of the articles included in the study. If the party was the main subject in the articles the framing was most of the times negative. The times when the Swedish Democrats was portrayed in a neutral manner they were not the main subject of the article. The party was in the articles often framed with negatively charged words. In addition to this the party was in a majority of the articles not quoted or invited to speak their part. Dagens Nyheter and Expressen has during the study shown several differences in their portrayals of the party, although these differences are not as extensive in theory since both papers at first hand has chosen a negative image of portrayal of the party.

<p>Since the 1970s voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion. The agenda-setting theory maintains that media influence what voters think about and that there is a link between media coverage and voting intentions.</p><p>This minor thesis focuses on the early election campaign prior to the French presidential election in 2007. For the first time, the socialist party organised a primary election in order to nominate their candidate. The aim is to study if media has an impact on public opinion in election campaigns. To reach the aim, I posed the two following research questions: Did the primary election of the socialist party result in higher media coverage of the party than of other political parties? If the media favoured the socialist party during this time, did this have an impact on the voting intentions for the socialist candidate Ségolène Royal? </p><p>In order to reach the aim and answer the questions, I performed a quantitative study. I measured the media coverage of the different political parties in the newspapers during the socialist primary campaign, to find out if the socialist party was favoured by the media. The primary source of information was the two French newspapers <em>Le Monde</em> and <em>Le Figaro</em>, complemented by opinion polls performed by the institute <em>Ipsos</em>.</p><p>The results show that the socialist party was privileged by the press coverage prior to the presidential election. The newspapers wrote more and longer articles about the socialist party than of any other political party at the time of this study. At the same time, voting intentions for Ségolène Royal increased. The media exposure seems to have had a short effect on the public opinion in favour of the socialist candidate. By the results of this study, I conclude that the socialist party was able to influence the agenda-setting in the media by organizing primary elections. I find support for the hypothesis that media coverage during an election campaign has an effect on public opinion.</p>

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-02-05T12:43:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1651875 bytes, checksum: 1527cce47e2685188378e5e46b6dfcbc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-05T12:43:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1651875 bytes, checksum: 1527cce47e2685188378e5e46b6dfcbc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-30 / This dissertation aims to analyze the process of building the public image of four state deputies occupying a seat in the “Assembléia Legislativa”, located in the city of João Pessoa, Paraíba. They are: Léa Toscano, Iraê Lucena, Daniella Ribeiro and Gilma Germano. Our purpose is to understand, through the reports uttered during interviews with these parliamentarians, how they placed themselves in politics, what they think about that universe and what are their future plans in that sphere. The theoretical basis of our work is related to the literature that deals with the political inclusion and participation of women, as well as on political culture and public image building. We know that for too long women have been excluded from this area of power, being men mostly the universal protagonists of the political scene. The participation in political fields as active citizens was only granted to our women after several struggles for rights. Persons that always have lived in a subordinate situation, women are currently managing to break down the barriers of prejudice and gender discrimination. It can see, in the speech of parliamentarians interviewed, strong trace of a policy anchored on the family name and this justified precisely because all had as input in public life the family heritage. It is also evident in the discourse of informants that women as candidates tend to use symbols that refer to ethics and morality, or even "feminine values" that always have been allocated to "natural" way simply because they are women, such as: sensitivity, gentleness, sincerity, kindness, among others. All this works, however, for political women in general, as an strategy affirmation in this power space. / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o processo de construção da imagem pública de quatro deputadas estaduais que ocupam uma cadeira na Assembleia Legislativa, localizada na cidade de João Pessoa, Paraíba. São elas: Léa Toscano, Iraê Lucena, Daniella Ribeiro e Gilma Germano. A proposta é entender, através dos relatos proferidos nas entrevistas, como essas parlamentares se inseriram na politica, o que pensam sobre esse universo e quais são seus planos futuros nesse meio. O aporte teórico do trabalho está relacionado à literatura que trata sobre o tema da inserção e participação política das mulheres, bem como sobre cultura política e construção da imagem pública. Por muito tempo as mulheres foram alijadas desse espaço de poder, sendo os homens, em sua maioria, os protagonistas universais do cenário político. A participação no campo político como cidadã ativa só foi concedida às mulheres depois de muitas lutas por direitos. Sujeito que sempre viveu em situação de subordinação, as mulheres estão conseguindo atualmente quebrar as barreiras do preconceito e da discriminação de gênero. É possível perceber na fala das parlamentares entrevistadas forte traço de uma política ancorada no nome de família e isso se justifica exatamente, porque todas tiveram como via de entrada na vida pública a herança familiar. É também evidente nos discursos das informantes, que mulheres enquanto candidatas tendem a se utilizar de símbolos que fazem referência à ética e à moral, ou mesmo a “valores femininos” que sempre lhes foram atribuídos de maneira natural pelo simples fato de serem mulheres, tais como sensibilidade, docilidade, sinceridade, amabilidade, dentre outros. Tudo isso funciona, portanto, para as mulheres políticas de um modo geral, como estratégia de afirmação no espaço público de poder político.

Political marketing is a tool for doing politics. As a medium, it cannot distort the sense of purpose, politics and government. The article highlights the importance of the process of govern and locates the election process as a means to such end. / El marketing político es una herramienta para hacer política, es un medio. Como todo medio, no puede desvirtuar el sentido del fin, la política, el poder, el gobierno. El artículo subraya la importancia de gobernar y ubica las elecciones como un medio para tal fin. El marketing político integral implica incorporar la herramienta en el conjunto de la acción política.

The diploma thesis analyzes the ways in which the Civic Democratic Party use methods of political marketing in the election campaign for regional elections of the South Moravian Region in 2012