Rinkiminė kampanija yra ypatingai reikšminga politinio proceso dalis, nes tuomet bet kokia kaina stengiamasi parduoti savo “produktą”. Politikos veikėjai, siekdami įgyti rėmėjų, privalo patraukti visuomenę, o tam pasiekti gali būti naudojami skirtingi politikų komunikacijos stiliai. Politikui svarbu pasirinkti tokį komunikacijos stilių, kuris padėtų pasiekti kuo didesnę dalį tikslinės auditorijos ir ją pritraukti. Politiko rinkimų kampanijos stilių ir padeda nustatyti žiniasklaida, kuri įvardina ir įvertina kandidato stilių: įvairias/keletą priemonių naudoja; negatyvią/pozityvią, aktualią/neaktualią žinią nori perduoti; daug/nedaug, mielai/vengdamas bendrauja su žmonėmis ir pan. Tyrimo objektas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkimų kampanija, tyrimo dalykas – D. Cameron ir G. Brown komunikacijos stiliaus formavimas rinkiminės kampanijos metu. Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti D. Cameron ir G. Brown rinkiminės kampanijos komunikacijos stiliaus bruožus. Iškeliamos dvi pagrindinės hipotezės: H1:D. Cameron, būdamas opozicinės partijos lyderis, rinkimų kampanijoje naudoja negatyvią informaciją, nukreipta prieš G. Brown vyriausybę; H2: G. Brown, būdamas pozicijos premjeras, remiasi pozityvia taktika, tikėdamasis dar penkerių metu. Tyrimo metu nustatyta, kad Cameron rinkiminė kampanija buvo kuriama nuosekliai, siekiant sukurti modernios partijos lyderio įvaizdį, tačiau nepavyko visiškai atsiriboti nuo M. Thatcher ir jos sukurto partijos prekės ženklo. Rinkiminės kampanijos šūkiai buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Election campaign is extremely significant part of political process, when politicians are trying to sell their ‘product’ at any price. They must attract support from the public and in order to achieve it, they can use different types of political communications. It is important to choose the right style, the one that could reach the biggest amount of aimed public and help to gain their support. Media identifies and judges the style of election campaign of candidate: how many/ few tools are being used; what sort of message is desired to be sent- negative/positive, relevant/irrelevant; how he/she communicates with public, a lot/ little, pleasantly or tries to avoid a contact. Object of the assay- D. Cameron and G. Brown general election campaign, subject- a formation of communication style of D. Cameron and G. Brown during the campaign. The aim of this work- to elucidate the features of communication style of D. Cameron and also G. Brown‘s election campaign. There are main two hypotheses that will be tested: H1: D. Cameron, the leader of opposition, is using a negative information against G. Brown and his government during his election campaign; H2: G. Brown as a prime minister is using a positive tactic and expects to win elections again. The investigation shows that Cameron election campaign has been established gradually, in order to create a modern image of the leader of party, but failed to distance from M. Thatcher and her established brand. Electoral campaign... [to full text]

This diploma thesis on the "Non-Parliamentary Political Parties in Media Communication Process. Communication Behaviour of Non-Parliamentary Parties in the Czech Republic prior to the Parliamentary Elections of 2006" suggests that political parties wishing to succeed in the dynamically changing media environment today need to present themselves through the refection of contemporary trends in the development of political communication. Based on the hypothesis that the non-parliamentary (i.e. small) political parties fail to master these principles of media and political communication, which is one (but not the single) reason why they fail to reach spectacular results in elections, this diploma thesis investigates four Czech non-parliamentary political parties participating in the parliamentary elections of 2006. The theoretical part of this diploma thesis introduces the current phenomena of political communication, including the mediatisation and personalisation of politics and the concept of politics as entertainment, with a focus on the examples of professionalization of political communication, political marketing and the importance of public opinion. In the practical part of this diploma thesis, the fundamental definitions are used and the method of semiotic analysis applied to the media...

The dissertation investigates a constitutional amendment to the 2012 legislation of the presidential election. The amendment introduced an election of the president through a popular vote, which was a historical milestone for the Czech legal system. However, the new adjustment was adopted in haste and evinces many deficiencies; that was proven in the 2013 presidential election. Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is to describe problematical parts of the new legal adjustment and find some possible solutions. The main topics are as follows: 1) modification of the basic concepts of the election system, 2) candidate nomination process, 3) election campaign funding and 4) ethical aspects of the election campaign. A comparison of legal adjustments of 14 EU countries with the direct presidential election (the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Finland, France, Croatia, Ireland, Cyprus, Lithuania, Poland, Portugal, Austria, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) was done, in order to find appropriate solutions. Apart from the results of comparison, the dissertation is based on reports by GRECO, OSCE and the corresponding Czech judicature. In conclusion, the Czech adjustment of the presidential election meets every democratic principle, but, at the same time, contains many mistakes. Especially the queries of "election campaign...

Diploma thesis focuses on media reflection of negative Czech parliamentary election campaign in 2002, 2006 and 2010. The main goal of this thesis is to find out, whether media did reflect at the time the use of negative political marketing by Czech political parties in the way Czech political scientists describe it. Theoretical part explains the principles of political marketing and characterises parliamentary election campaign in 2002, 2006 and 2010. Empirical part gathers results of quantitative content analysis that were made for each pre- election period 13 weeks before elections in Hospodářské noviny, Lidové noviny and Mladá fronta DNES. The results of quantitative analysis did not confirm the hypothesis that those researched newspapers would in the period of 13 weeks before election reflect higher use of negative political marketing.

<p>Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media. </p><p>The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself. </p><p>In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.</p>

Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur medielogik och public service-värdena uttrycks i SVT:s partiledarutfrågning hösten 2010. En totalundersökning i form av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys är gjord av samtliga partiledarutfrågningar som sändes i SVT veckorna före valet, samt respektive partis valmanifest. Fyra frågor mättes först kvantitativt och analyserades därefter kvalitativt med utgångspunkt i vilka medborgargrupper som synliggörs, hur partiledarnas privata angelägenheter exponeras, hur valmanifestens innehåll överensstämmer med de teman som journalisterna tar upp i utfrågningarna, samt regeringsbildningskomplikationer och samarbetssvårigheter av olika slag. I den kvantitativa analysen framkom att konsumentperspektivet dominerar, men skillnaden är stor i de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Den personliga exponeringen av partiledarna ger minst utrymme åt dåvarande statsministerkandidaterna Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) och Mona Sahlin (s), men även åt Maud Olofsson (c). Valmanifestens överensstämmelse med de journalistiska frågeställningarna visade på stora skillnader mellan de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Mest kommunikationsutrymme åt komplikationer ges med det Rödgröna blocket (och då främst de mindre partierna Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet.) Resultaten av vår undersökning är varierande, beroende på vilken frågeställning det gäller. Delar av public service-värdet verkar ha haft olika stor genomslagskraft hos de större partierna jämfört med de mindre partierna gällande konsekvenserna för de enskilda fallen och partiets politik. Ett återkommande tema är skildringen av politik som att den tar ifrån människor något snarare än att politiken tillför människor något. Ett annat drag vi har noterat är att medborgaren framställs som offer för något (nya bensinpriset, sjukförsäkringen, gymnasiereformen…) I ett samhälle som får allt större problem att engagera medborgarna i det politiska livet, kan det vara av värde att fråga sig hur stort ansvar medierna har för detta. Poängteras bör slutligen att de resultat vi kommer fram till inte ska refereras till journalistiken som profession, utan snarare belysa vikten av att en medveten strategi behövs för att lyfta fram de krafter som strävar mot medielogikens komponenter i form av polarisering, konkretisering och förenkling. / This essay examines how media logic and public service values are expressed in the SVT party leaders hearing fall of 2010. A comprehensive study in the form of quantitative and qualitative content analysis was made by all party leaders hearings broadcast on SVT weeks before the election, and each party's election manifesto. Four questions were measured primary quantitatively, and were then assayed qualitatively on the basis of the civic groups that are made visible, how the party leaders' private affairs are exposed, how the manifesto contents are consistent with the journalistic issues during the hearings, and government complications and cooperation difficulties of various kinds. The quantitative analysis indicated that consumer perspective dominates, but the difference is large in the various party leaders hearings. The personal exposure of the party leaders will have the least room for the then prime minister candidates Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) and Mona Sahlin (s), but also to Maud Olofsson (c). Manifesto conformity with the journalistic issues showed significant differences between the various party leaders hearings. Most communications space to complications are exposed with the Rödgröna blocket (and particularly the smaller parties, Miljöpartiet and Vänsterpartiet.) The results of our study are varied, depending on the issue in question. Components of the public service value seems to have a greater impact in the major parties compared to the smaller parties regarding the consequences for the individual cases and party policies. An overall theme is the presentation of policy that it takes away something from people rather than it adds. Another feature we have noticed is that the people were presented as victims of something (new price of gasoline, health insurance, upper secondary school reform ...) In a society of growing problems with involving the citizens in the political life, it may be useful to ask how much responsibility the media has of this. Finally it should be pointed out, that the results we arrive at should not be referred to journalism as a profession, but rather emphasize the necessity of a planned strategy to highlight the forces that strive to media logic components in the form of polarization, concretization and simplification.

Syftet med studien är att utifrån Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjfilm undersöka hur de planerade kommunikationsverktygen profil, identitet och image tolkas utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Under studiens gång har vi genomfört strukturerade intervjuer med tre medlemmar inom Sverigedemokraterna, en semiotisk filmanalys av partiets valkampanjfilm och utfört enkätundersökningar med 100 röstberättigade elever vid Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   Studiens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas profil stämmer överens med valkampanjfilmens identitet. Gällande image anser partiet att allmänhetens tolkning inte stämmer överens med partiets profil. Ett problem som Sverigedemokraterna säger sig ligga i att media har kommunicerat en felaktig bild av partiet.   Vår semiotiska filmanalys visar att Sverigedemokraternas budskap framgår tydligt i valkampanjfilmen genom att visa hur invandringen kostar mycket, samtidigt som pensionärerna blir drabbade. Studiens resultat visar även att mer än hälften av eleverna på Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet hade en negativ inställning till Sverigedemokraterna och 70 procent ansåg att individerna i valkampanjfilmen framställs orättvist. / This study will investigate how the Sweden Democrats' use the planned communication tools: profile, identity and image in their election campaign film. We have during the study used three different perspectives: structured interviews with three members of the Sweden Democrats, a semiotic film analysis of the party's election campaign film and performed a survey of 100 voting students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   The results of the study have demonstrated that the Sweden Democrats' profile is consistent with the campaign film's identity. The Sweden Democrats believes that the image of the party is not consistent with the party's profile. The problem that the Sweden Democrats claim to be medias fault. Our semiotic film analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats' message is clear in the election campaign by showing how immigration is expensive, while pensioners are affected. Our results also show that more than half of the students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet had a bias against the Sweden Democrats and 70 percent felt that the individuals in the election campaign film were represented wrong.

Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media. The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself. In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.

Since the 1970s voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion. The agenda-setting theory maintains that media influence what voters think about and that there is a link between media coverage and voting intentions. This minor thesis focuses on the early election campaign prior to the French presidential election in 2007. For the first time, the socialist party organised a primary election in order to nominate their candidate. The aim is to study if media has an impact on public opinion in election campaigns. To reach the aim, I posed the two following research questions: Did the primary election of the socialist party result in higher media coverage of the party than of other political parties? If the media favoured the socialist party during this time, did this have an impact on the voting intentions for the socialist candidate Ségolène Royal?  In order to reach the aim and answer the questions, I performed a quantitative study. I measured the media coverage of the different political parties in the newspapers during the socialist primary campaign, to find out if the socialist party was favoured by the media. The primary source of information was the two French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro, complemented by opinion polls performed by the institute Ipsos. The results show that the socialist party was privileged by the press coverage prior to the presidential election. The newspapers wrote more and longer articles about the socialist party than of any other political party at the time of this study. At the same time, voting intentions for Ségolène Royal increased. The media exposure seems to have had a short effect on the public opinion in favour of the socialist candidate. By the results of this study, I conclude that the socialist party was able to influence the agenda-setting in the media by organizing primary elections. I find support for the hypothesis that media coverage during an election campaign has an effect on public opinion.

Submitted by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T11:46:12Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T18:23:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T18:23:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-19T18:24:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-27 / O objetivo desta pesquisa é demonstrar a construção retórica discursiva utilizada pelos candidatos, Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB), no segundo turno da campanha eleitoral à Presidência da República em 2014, a fim de significar os discursos em especial no que se refere aos temas: corrupção, economia e desenvolvimento social. Para o trabalho de análise foram utilizados aspectos teóricos e metodológicos da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. A partir das principais categorias de análise: o antagonismo e a formação hegemônica discursiva nós abordamos as diferenças em que os candidatos se constroem e também desconstroem o seu opositor na lógica e na dimensão social da luta política. O material empírico que embasa a pesquisa parte das falas dos candidatos veiculadas no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) em que tratam sobre os temas elencados. A pesquisa destaca a estratégia discursiva, bem como as categorias centrais de análise extraídas da obra Hegemonia e Estratégia Socialista, em consonância com os estudos teóricos, do pós-estruturalismo, em que Laclau constrói os conceitos fundantes da teoria, como forma de desvelar os aspectos complexos da política. Sobre tudo, a hipótese que guia esta dissertação consiste na afirmação de que a campanha eleitoral de 2014 apontou para uma diferenciação ideológica marcante, sobretudo econômica, entre os candidatos do PT e do PSDB. Enquanto a situação defendeu discursivamente a eficiência das medidas governamentais em defesa e promoção do desenvolvimento social para a geração de renda e riquezas, a oposição colocou em dúvida a gestão e a eficiência governamental vigente e como técnica, assim a coligação liderada pelo PSDB defendia um discurso com propostas geradoras de desenvolvimento econômico para a projeção de mecanismos em defesa do social. / This research aims to demonstrate the discursive construction used by candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Aécio Neves (PSDB), in the second round of the election campaign for President of the Brazilian Republic in the year 2014. His speeches are analyzed under themes such as corruption, economics and or social development. The analytical work was done under theoretical and methodological aspects of the authors Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The main categories of analysis like antagonism and hegemonic discursive formation are taken to stablish discursive differences between the two candidates in logic and social dimension of political struggle. The empirical data of this research are the speeches of candidates since they were aired on the Free Time of Electoral Propaganda (HGPE in Portuguese) where they treat on those issues. The research highlights the discursive strategy, as well as central categories of discourse analysis extracted from Hegemony and Socialist Strategy work, in line with the theoretical studies and the post-structuralism. The hypothesis guiding this thesis is the claim that the election campaign of 2014 pointed to marked ideological differences, especially on economics, between the candidates of the PT and the PSDB. While the situation discursively defended the effectiveness of government measures in defense and promotion of social development for the generation of income and wealth, the opposition questioned the management and the current government efficiency, since the coalition led by the PSDB defended a speech with generating proposals for development in order to reach the projection of mechanisms in defense of the social dimension.