There is an unexplained gap in employment between native-born and foreign-born women in most European countries and it is not evident how it can be closed. This essay studies some possible explanations of the gap by looking at the effect of childcare costs and integration policies, through regression analysis. The individual effects are not significant, but the results do however give some indication that the degree of integration policies in a country can change the effect of welfare policies such as childcare.

It may take several years for a refugee in Sweden to establish on the labor market. The slow establishment is particularly problematic for female refugees. Compared to men, low-skilled women and women with young children experience major disadvantages. In Sweden, refugees were offered a voluntary program with measures to ease the integration into the labor market. On December 1, 2010, the enacting of the so-called Establishment reform, which was carried out in order to speed up the refugees’ labor market entry, changed that program. Newly arrived refugees were then offered participation in an Establishment program at the Public Employment service instead of an Introduction program offered by the municipalities. This thesis provides an evaluation of the Establishment reform. The aim is to analyze the employment rates two and three years after enrollment in the program. The applied approach is to compare the outcome for the refugees participating in the Introduction program with the outcome for the refugees participating in the Establishment program, while controlling for important observables. This is possible by using Swedish register data on all immigrants given residence permit in Sweden 2009-2011. The findings from the evaluation provide evidence that the Establishment reform has had a small but significant effect on the probability of being employed. Those participating in the Establishment program showed higher employment rates compared to participants in the previous Introduction program. This association was evident for both women and men. Among low-skilled women, co-resident mothers, and women with young children, no significant increase in the probability of being employed was observed. It thereby seems like the reform at large has had a positive effect but that more effort is needed for those with the initially largest disadvantages.

Sweden and Denmark are both welfare states sharing a unique bond and similarities. However, attitudes in integration policies are a world apart. Whilst Denmark has gained a reputation of having a strict and harsh immigration policy seeking to uphold cultural homogeneousness, Sweden proudly announces its welcoming stance on immigration embracing cultural diversity. This study offers an insight into problem representations in integration policies in Sweden and Denmark. Existing literature in this field is mainly concerned with post-integration policies leaving literature on problem representations that are more recent unexplored. This thesis seeks to fill that gap by describing the similarities, differences, and underlying assumptions in integration policies in the respective countries. By applying a ‘What’s the problem represented to be’ approach based on a Foucauldian discourse analysis, the findings of this study show significant differences in problem representations and underlying assumptions.

Submitted by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2018-06-18T20:42:37Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_Dianine_Censon.pdf: 1831177 bytes, checksum: 73165f116c694e3e39060fe9e20f0bbe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2018-06-22T22:16:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao_Dianine_Censon.pdf: 1831177 bytes, checksum: 73165f116c694e3e39060fe9e20f0bbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-22T22:16:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao_Dianine_Censon.pdf: 1831177 bytes, checksum: 73165f116c694e3e39060fe9e20f0bbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-05 / Entendidas como regiões esquecidas pelo processo de desenvolvimento brasileiro, as fronteiras tornaram-se, em 2009, temáticas de um dos programas lançados pela Política Pública de Desenvolvimento Regional. O Programa de Desenvolvimento da Faixa de Fronteira versa sobre a organização e o aperfeiçoamento das políticas públicas como forma de criação de oportunidades para a integração da faixa de fronteira ao cenário de desenvolvimento nacional, orientando essas regiões a determinadas ações em vias do desenvolvimento. Pensando nesse processo e na realidade da Metade Sul do Rio Grande do Sul, esse trabalho buscou compreender de que forma as diretrizes pró-desenvolvimento do Governo Federal configuram um debate recente sobre desenvolvimento regional no poder público da cidade de Jaguarão/RS. Utilizando-se de entrevistas com representantes da administração pública de Jaguarão, dados secundários como documentos, leis, planos e projetos e um diário de campo, articulando a literatura sobre desenvolvimento e regiões fronteiriças com o modelo analítico de planejamento urbano de Vainer (2000) a respeito das analogias constitutivas da cidade-produto, cidade-empresa e cidade-pátria, buscou-se viabilizar tal objetivo. A partir dessa análise, foi possível elencar categorias de desenvolvimento presentes no poder público de Jaguarão, observando a legitimação de uma doxa (Cf. Bourdieu, 2000) presente na cidade que se relaciona, subjetivamente, às doxas de desenvolvimento em curso em outras localidades do Brasil, ainda que a partir de certa interdependência local que configura a relação e as particularidades do espaço, dos atores e do processo em curso (ELIAS, 1999; 2001). Somado a isso, foi possível observar as marcas históricas de uma localidade dita como esquecida pelo Governo Federal em contraposição a uma esperança de crescimento e desenvolvimento a partir do que pode ser entendido como um receituário nacional. / Understood as forgotten regions by the Brazilian development process, the border area became, in 2009, theme of one of the launched programs by the Política Pública de Desenvolvimento Regional (a Brazilian public policy to regional development). The Programa de Desenvolvimento da Faixa de Fronteira (a governmental program dedicated to develop the border area of Brazil) talks about the organization and improvement of public policies as a way to create opportunities to integrate the border area to the national development scenario, guiding these regions to specific actions for the sake of development. Thinking about this process and in the reality of Metade do Sul of Rio Grande do Sul (the south part of the Rio Grande do Sul state), this work sought to comprehend in which way the guidelines pro-development by Federal Government configure recent debate about regional development inside the public power of the city of Jaguarão/RS. Using interviews with represents of the public administration of Jaguarão, secondary data as documents, laws, plans and projects and a field diary, in conjunction with the literature of development and border areas and a analytical model of urban planning by Vainer (2000) about constitutive analogies of product-city, enterprise-city and homeland-city, it was sought to make this objective viable. From this analyses, it was possible to find categories of development present in the public power of Jaguarão, thus observing the legitimation of a doxa (Cf. Bourdieu, 1977) in the city that relates itself, subjectively, to the ongoing doxas of development in other localities of Brazil, even if based on a certain local interdependency that defines the relationship and the particularities of space, actors and ongoing process (ELIAS, 1999; 2001). In addition, it was possible to observe the historical marks in a place that is said as forgotten by the Federal Government, in contrast to a hopefulness of growth and development from what can be understood as a national prescription.

La mise en pratique des politiques d’intégration des femmes migrantes est un objet d’études dont les sciences sociales s’emparent peu. La majorité des recherches, surtout comparées, sur les politiques d’intégration des immigrés ont procédé par des analyses normatives et discursives, et cela à l’échelle nationale. Cette recherche s’efforce de compléter les savoirs antérieurs à partir de résultats tirés d’une enquête de terrain réalisée au sein de deux maisons de quartier, des institutions sociopolitiques chargées des politiques sociales participatives, une à Paris et une autre à Helsinki. De cette façon, elle confronte les discours officiels sur l’intégration des femmes migrantes à la réalité du terrain, aux contextes, aux acteurs et aux pratiques situées. Elle montre que bien que les politiques françaises et finlandaises soient fondées sur des objectifs similaires — faire passer les femmes migrantes de leur situation de marginalité à une citoyenneté complète — les dispositifs locaux et les pratiques ordinaires varient considérablement. Pour analyser la pratique ordinaire des politiques d’intégration, cette thèse développe la notion de travail d’attachementdont le but est le tissage d’un lien de citoyenneté plus fort chez les femmes migrantes. Elle porte donc sur les interactions à travers lesquelles ce lien est formé. Elle interroge d’un côté les rituels d’attachement par lesquels les agents des maisons de quartier aspirent à l’intégration des femmes migrantes et d’un autre côté les tactiques d’attachement que les femmes migrantes déploient au sein des maisons de quartier afin de poursuivre l’intégration telle qu’elles la comprennent. Si la comparaison franco-finlandaise permet de mettre en évidence des mécanismes généraux du travail d’attachement, elle nuance aussi l’analyse de la citoyenneté féminine en montrant que cette dernière est solidifiée plutôt selon les logiques de l’éthique de care en Finlande et selon celles de l’éthique de la justice en France. De façon plus générale, cette thèse étudie les pratiques du travail social qui visent le renforcement de l’attachement des populations marginalisées à l’ensemble de la société, pratiques davantage tournées aujourd’hui vers la production de l’expérience émotionnelle de l’égalité citoyenne. / Although research into immigrant integration policies abounds, the concrete practice of implementing immigrant integration policies, especially those targeting migrant women, remains an understudied domain in social sciences. Comparative research in particular tends to concentrate on the national level of analysis and the normative and discursive dimensions of integration policies. This research adopts an alternative approach based on ethnographic field research conducted in a “neighbourhood center” in both Paris and Helsinki over a four-year-period. Such centres are in both countries public institutions where participative social policies are put in practice. In doing so, the research examines empirically the official discourse on integration policies targeting migrant women by looking at situated actors and practices. Despite the similar normative foundations of French and Finnish policies – namely the objective of facilitating the passage of migrant women from a situation of marginality to that of full citizenship, at the local level important variation exists. This esearch develops the notion of bonding work (travail d’attachment), using it to analyse the ordinary practices of solidifying the citizenship bond of migrant women. This finding on the importance of bonding work in the context of every-day interactions between state agents and migrants at the neighbourhood centre draws attention simultaneously to the rituals through which state agents aspire to strengthen migrant womens’ citizenship bond, as well as to the tactics through which migrant women themselves pursue their attachment to the national community. The comparative design of this research is important because it allows for the identification of general mechanisms of such attachment work while also tapping into the cross-national variation in principles and practices related to womens’ citizenship. Such variation is aligned with the ethnics of care in Finland and with the ethics of justice in France. At a more general level, this research develops conceptual tools for analysing contemporary social policies targeting marginalized social groups, policies that are increasingly driven by the notion of attachment and the emotional experience of equality.

Migration, a global phenomenon that has grown rapidly in recent years. The present work analyzesthe different conditions of people leaving their origin nation, refugees as well as immigrants. Thereasons for the increm ent in vagrant populaces compared to the past and the reasons for pulling inEuropean states and the Settlements and Choices of the European Union. Furthermore, the MemberStates' accession migration policies are analyzed. Those four countries, Germany, Gr eece, France andSweden, were selected as representatives of different models of accession policy. Finally, the case ofGreece is analyzed and ways of enhancing its accession policies are proposed.

Les mutations des échelles de responsabilité, ainsi que le rôle de l'immigration dans la production physique mais aussi symbolique de la ville, sont analysés à travers le prisme des politiques locales d'immigration et d'intégration mises en œuvre dans les villes israéliennes d'Acre, Arad, Kiryat Gat et Kiryat Shmona. La politique volontariste d'accueil des immigrés juifs en Israël, datant des années 1950, est mise à l'épreuve de la décentralisation. En réalité, seule une partie des autorités locales mettent en place des politiques locales d'immigration et d'intégration. L'enquête montre que ces villes moyennes font souvent le choix de former de façon proactive une politique locale afin de « choisir » les immigrés qui s'y installent d'une part ; et de développer de nouveaux canaux d'accès à des ressources publiques d'autre part. Dans ce contexte, la mise en place d'une politique d'immigration dans la ville engendre une situation d'interdépendance entre des acteurs situées à des échelles de pouvoir différentes. Avec l'éclatement des responsabilités, les acteurs sont mis en concurrence pour obtenir les ressources publiques et privées dédiées à l'intégration des immigrés. L'immigration prend part à la fabrique du lieu. Via la mise en valeur de la contribution des anciennes vagues d'immigration, et le potentiel imaginé des futurs immigrés, l'immigration est envisagée comme un renouveau démographique, économique ou culturel. Conçue comme un levier, elle permet de redéfinir les échelles de développement de ces villes frontières. / Mutations of scales of power, as well as the role of immigration in the physical and symbolic production of the city, are analysed through immigrant integration policies in the cities of Acre, Arad, Kiryat Gat and Kiryat Shmona in Israel. Jewish immigration policies, as defined by the State of Israel from 1950s onwards, are challenged by decentralisation. However, only some local governments actively make local immigrant integration policies. The inquiry shows that these mid-sized cities proactively formulate a local policy in order to “choose” the immigrants that settle on the one hand; and to access new channels of public resources on the other hand.In that context, the implementation of an immigrant policy in the city leads to interdependence between actors located at various scales of power. With the fragmentation of responsibilities, actors compete to obtain the public and private resources for immigrant integration. Immigration is part of the making of place. Through the reintegration of former waves of immigration, and the imagined potential of future immigrants, immigration is foreseen as a demographic, economic or cultural renewal. It is a lever to redefine the development scales of those frontier towns.Keywords: Scales, governance, local governments, places, mid-sized cities, biographical method, immigration, integration policies, Israel.

<p>Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media. </p><p>The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself. </p><p>In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.</p>

In a globalized world, the constant mobilization of people highlights the relevance of citizenship as the mean for full membership in the state. Considering that, in practice, the population of modern states does not only consist of citizens, this thesis presents a theoretical analysis on the principles and policies for the inclusion of non-citizens. This discussion considers two concerns: first, who should be included as members of the state qua citizens, and second, how should non-citizens be enfranchised. In the first part, I review models that discuss if membership in the state should be more restrictive or more inclusive; the second part analyzes formal mechanisms for the inclusion of non-citizens, in particular integration and citizenship policies. The conclusions drawn from this discussion suggest that integration is the core requirement for citizenship, thus it is arbitrary to condition either citizenship acquisition or enfranchisement with other requirements. Specifically, the thesis offers a normative critique against universal time requirements and bureaucratic burdens as unjustified obstacles to citizenship. As an illustration for the arguments given, I study the policy for the acquisition of citizenship in Sweden.

Today, Sweden is to be regarded as a country formed by the influences and effects of immigration. The government is considering integration as a process aimed to influent all forms of welfare politics and as a project working both at an individual and at a social level. The aims of integration policies are to guarantee equal rights and opportunities, to form a public community characterized by diversity, and to mobilize all citizens to participate in and to be jointly responsible for a social development characterized by mutual respect and tolerance. During the Swedish election campaign of 2002, integration policies became one of the most reported and discussed political questions in the media. The aim of this essay is to study and analyze discursive statements on integration policies made by politicians during this election campaign. The method applied for this task is critical discourse analysis. The empirical ground consists of currently relevant political documents together with articles from Sweden’s four largest daily newspapers. The theoretical framework consists of knowledge of social constructivism, philosophy of language, democracy, Governmentality, media and postcolonialism together with knowledge of fields of tension within the field of integration policies itself. In this essay, the conclusion of integration policies is that it ought to be looked upon as a project of normalization. In this project, a subject of integration policies is constituted and made conscious of its unlikeness; objectives of a good life are formulated and a career for succeeding with the objectives is ascribed to the subject; and relations between the subject and other operators are being disciplined.