Diploma thesis Italy in the 90's - political earthquake and it's impact on the European Parliament elections focuses on political and social changes that Italy experienced during the early 90's and their impact on election campaigns and European Parliament election results in 1994 and 1999. The paper recaps evolution of powers of the European Parliament, legal base for EP elections in Italy and it summarizes both internal and external factors that led to radical changes in political and partisan system and eventually to the end of the First Italian Republic. It depicts collapse of party system and rise of new political parties and leaders on the background of international context, judical investigation into political corruption Mani Pulite and offensive of organized crime as a reaction to it. The key part of the thesis is dedicated to the European elections in Italy in 1994 and 1994, it analizes election campaigns led by the Italian political parties and the electoral results. The main objective of the thesis is to confirm or disprove initial hypthesis that Italian political parties perceived the European elections as a tool to reach their domestic aims, as research revealing distribution of powers in the national arena.

This master´s thesis deals with application of guerrilla marketing at the election campaign. The first part contains the theoretical basis, which explain the marketing communication, current trends in marketing communications and define the concept of guerilla marketing, including establishment of this marketing trend. The practical part at first analyse a real election campaign, at the development and application I have participated. The campaign took place before the municipal elections in Humpolec in the autumn 2014. Then the work continues by a questionnaire survey, where I want to examine the knowledge of the term guerilla marketing to the general public, including opinion on a particular campaign, which took place in the city. In conclusion, I included proposals to improve the campaign for its next use.

Election campaigns in the Czech Republic are undergoing a major professionalization process since 2006. The most noticeable proof of this trend is the Czech Social Democratic Party (CSSD), which is effectively cooperating with foreign agencies. In 2006 CSSD followed the example of British Labour Party and applied market-oriented party concept to its behaviour. The strategy of a market- oriented party is to identify public priorities, analyze them and to create an election program; since voter's satisfaction is crucial for a market-oriented party, it uses a wide variety of marketing services and techniques. I am analyzing the election campaigns of Czech Social Democratic Party in 2006 and 2010 using the Market-Oriented Party Model published by Jennifer Lees-Marshment in 2006. My goal is to find out whether CSSD followed the Market-Oriented Party Model in 2010 and whether it is going to keep applying the concept in the future. Key words: Election campaign, Czech social democratic party, political marketing, election management.

How do some political elites, in unstable democracies with communal divisions, use ethnic, religious, and tribal affiliations for a rhetoric of polarisation and/or reconciliation when running for office? This thesis applies a framing analysis to explore how political elites employ these affiliations in speech acts, mainly political rallies, to construct narratives of polarisation and reconciliation during election campaigns. The theoretical framework is constructed by previous research on “Big Men” politics and the rhetoric used by ex-combatants turned politicians within a context embossed with electoral violence and division. The thesis conducts a qualitative case study of the 2023 Nigerian election, where the frames used by the winner of the election, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and his main opponents, Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, are investigated. While previous research suggests ambiguity in the rhetoric of political elites, the empirical findings reveal a surprising level of consistency in the candidates' framing. This study offers perspectives on Nigeria and similar multi-ethnic nations marked by communal divisions. It contributes to the comprehension of the intricacies of political communication in unstable democracies, where language has the power to either promote reconciliation or exacerbate polarisation.

The thesis focuses on the analysis of the process of creating a political image in the course of an election campaign, offering a case study of Magdalena Ogórek's candidacy during the Polish presidential election of 2015. The analysis is preceded by a theoretical introduction which lays down the groundwork for subsequently reporting the empirical findings. The following central terms and concepts are covered: political marketing (especially in the context of post-1989 Poland), political image (with an emphasis on the process of its creation and the parties involved), political language (again, particularly in the context of contemporary Poland), and the notion of stereotype (both linguistic and non-linguistic, with an emphasis on stereotypes about women). The empirical results are reported in three sections which offer different perspectives on the phenomenon under scrutiny. The first part investigates how Magdalena Ogórek herself, her team and PR consultants created her image as a candidate. The second part presents an analysis of the influence that her political opponents had on her political image. The third and final part concerns itself with Magdalena Ogórek's media image, as created by the Polish media during the campaign. The empirical research is based on material collected from the website...

This study explores the phenomenon of personalization within the political sphere. More specifically, it aims at exploring the strategical personalization of Swedish party leaders during the national election campaign of 2018. A further aim is to generate theoretical contributions to the area of personalization. As empirical material, the social media updates of three party leaders are analyzed under the period of 13 weeks before the election day, using a mixed methodological approach for an in-depth qualitative study. Regarding methodologies, grounded theory and coding is employed along with a rhetorical analysis that enable a systematic analysis of visual messages. The result indicates that the studied party leaders portrayed themselves as an integrated part of society, mediating a sense of presence and acknowledgement of the voters. In addition to this, the party leaders presented themselves as ordinary people and unified with the voters. The result also points to the practice of mediating a sense of social and cultural status, involving influencers in the communication and stepping into roles outside of the explicitly political arena. In terms of theoretical contributions, the generated theory contributes in the sense that it offers additional dimensions to the notion of "self-presentation", which is recognized as a common theme among prior theories. According to prior theories, individual politicians presents themselves as professional politicians and ordinary human beings. While the generated theory supports this perspective, it also highlights the aspect of intentionally integrating the voters into the self-presentations of individual politicians. Moreover, the generated theory emphasizes the perspective of social and cultural significance when regarding self-presentations of representatives.

Aim: To investigate how three of the biggest political parties in Sweden made use of socialmedia in the election campaign in 2010, and to get a picture of how the parties perceive therole of social media in political communication today and in the future.Method: The research is conducted through personal interviews and qualitative textualanalysis.Theory: The theory that the study is based on is Habermas theory of the public sphereMain results: Social media is today an excellent channel for communication and informationbetween politicians and voters, and they will probably become increasingly important inpolitical communication in the future. So far, they are only an addition to the traditional mediaand are in no way substituted for them. Internet and some social media is an excellent forumfor political debate and opinion-former.

Taigi artėjant kiekvieniems laisviems ir nepriklausomiems rinkimams, kuomet valstybės piliečiai į valdžią išrenka savo atstovus, politinė reklama tampa neatsiejama politinių partijų rinkiminių akcijų dalis. Ypatingai ji yra svarbi politinėms partijoms, kadangi pastebima, jog kiekviena partija prieš rinkimus pastaraisiais metais gali potencialiai pretenduoti į tuos pačius rinkėjus visoje Lietuvoje, nes šie nėra prisirišę prie konkrečios partijos. Vis daugėja neapsisprendusių rinkėjų, kurie pasirenka, už ką balsuoti tik rinkimų kampanijos metu. Politinės reklamos raiška žiniasklaidoje, bei jos įtaka rinkėjams yra analizuota, bet pats politinės reklamos kūrimo procesas nėra plačiai ištyrinėtas Lietuvoje. Tai pat politinės reklamos samprata yra ganėtinai nauja Lietuvoje. Šio darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti ir paaiškinti politinės reklamos kūrimo proceso vyksmą reklaminių - rinkiminių kampanijų planavimo, organizavimo ir įgyvendinimo metu. Tai pat ištirti politinės reklamos teisinį reglamentavimą Lietuvos įstatyminėje bazėje. Tyrimo objektas - politinė reklama ir politinės reklamos kūrimo procesas Lietuvoje, jo struktūra bei ypatumai. Darbe naudojamasi Lietuvos ir užsienio mokslinės literatūros analizės, sisteminimo ir klasifikavimo metodais. Politinės reklamos teisinio reglamentavimo tyrime atliekamas dokumentų ir teisės aktų analizės metodas. Taip pat atliekamas kokybinis tyrimas – pusiau struktūruotas interviu. Pastarasis metodas pasirinktas siekiant išsamiau... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Political advertising becomes a simultaneous part of electoral process for all political parties, as common independent elections are approaching and the citizens of a country are going to vote for their representatives to the government. This process becomes especially important to political parties, as recent evidence proves that every political force in Lithuania can potentially apply for the same electors in Lithuania, as they are not devoted to one exact party. The number of such voters, who make up their decision on who to vote during the elections, is increasing. The expression and influence on the electors of political advertising in the media has widely been analysed, however, the process of creating political advertising has not been thoroughly researched in Lithuania. Therefore, the concept of political advertising is comparatively new in our country. The objectives of this work – is to analyse and explain the procedure of creating political advertising – in the process of planning, organizing and realizing it. Besides, the purpose is to research the legal regulations of political advertising on the basis of Lithuanian legitimate system. The object for the research is political advertising itself as well as the process, structure and peculiarities of creating it. The study relies on the analysis, filing and classification of Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature. In addition, the qualitative investigation, i.e. partly structural interview, is carried out... [to full text]

本研究針對1996年至2008年台灣總統大選的造勢活動，挑選各次大選中特定的大型造勢活動做為個案研究分析，分別在文宣策略、活動幅員、媒體效果及民意支持度等影響層面做為分析指標，輔以當年曾參與選舉的競選工作人員及記者的深度訪談，找出四次總統選舉各類造勢活動的類型及表現方式，並分析各項類型活動在每次大選運用的變化。 研究個案的選擇指標是以影響性及大型活動(Mega-events)規模的條件來篩選，依序探討1996年陳履安「行腳祈福」、2000年陳水扁「百萬人民站出來」、2004年陳水扁「牽手護台灣」及2008年「Long Stay下鄉長住」四個案例。以四次不同年代的總統副總統選舉中特定單一的造勢活動，依據「事件行銷」及「選舉造勢活動」對大型活動(Mega-events)的分類，以及SWOT優劣勢分析模式進行個案研究。 本研究深入訪問四個案的競選總部高階負責人，以及當時擔任該造勢活動的媒體採訪記者，以「半結構性訪談」方式，了解四個案造勢活動的規劃及執行細節，以及受訪者認為該造勢活動個案對選戰的影響效果。 研究發現大型競選造勢活動能夠型塑及強化選戰主軸、且達成多項競選功能成效，並加深勝選的助力。最後綜合比較四大個案，分析在各自年代的歷史意義、選情熱度以及投入資源程度的不同，對當年以及往後選舉的影響層面也有不同的意義。 / This study investigates the impacts of campaign events (rallies) on the result of Taiwan’s presidential elections from 1996 to2008. The analysis focuses on the campaign strategies, the scale of the activities, media effects as well as the strength of public support at each campaign event. Combining with in-depth interviews with campaign office staff and journalists, the study aims at detecting the patterns of the campaign rallies, and their impacts on the particular presidential election. Four significant campaign events (also known as Mega Events) are selected for this study and they are: Chen Li-an’s " Blessing March" in 1996, Chen Shui-bian’s "Million People to Stand Up" in 2000, Chen Shui-bian’s "Hand in hand to cherish Taiwan " in 2004, and Ma Ying-jeou’s " Long Stay" in 2008. The cases are chosen based on the scale and size of the activities and their potential impacts on election outcomes. In addition to event analysis, semi-structured interviews were conducted with the high-level executives from the campaign headquarters of the chosen cases and journalists who were following these events at that time, to provide an in-depth analysis on planning and execution details, and to gauge the impacts of each rally from the interviewees’ perspectives. The findings suggest that large-scale campaign rallies are indeed capable of strengthening campaign fever, consolidating supports, and thus, enhance the chance of winning. Last but not the least, a comprehensive comparison of the four mega-events (including the analysis of the historical meaning of the event at that time period, citizen enthusiasm to the particular election, and resources allocation for each event) is included in the discussion. The findings suggest that each event does have a different historical meaning at its own time and has impacted on subsequent elections.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGC.pdf: 2563495 bytes, checksum: fd5ca1cd7079816cbe9e87424435b22d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-06 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / During the pre-election period of the presidential election in 2014, the news and commentaries about the political campaigns of the presidential candidates portrayed aggressive speeches in debates, on social media, in television campaigns, and even on official websites. This occurred both in the first round of the election and in the second, however, in a fierce dispute for winning the presidency, the second round between the President Dilma Rousseff (PT) and the former Senator Aécio Neves (PSDB) was marked by confrontation, characterized as aggressive and heated. It is important to emphasize that these news and comments about the aggressiveness of the campaign are also discursive constructions, present an impression that attest to an increase in aggressiveness, reason why we cannot consider them as a presupposition and a starting point for analysis. However, the constant reproduction of discourses that characterize the campaign of 2014 as aggressive, already constitutes a pertinent indicator for analysis of what was understood as insult, aggression. Other important issues that drive us to look at this campaign are the change in the organization of television debates - direct interaction between the candidates, positioned face to face -, the intensification of the use of social networks, as well as the candidates' official sites, among other aspects that would favour a possible increase of the aggressiveness or the production of a greater visibility of what is considered aggressive. Given the peculiarities of the organization and functioning of the mediums (debates, sites, social networks and blogs) in this campaign, and the emergence of discourses that characterize it as aggressive, we attempt to analyze the discourse said aggressive, trying to understand its formulation and materialization in the political discourse through the resources of irony, theme selection, derisive speech, swearing, gestures, tone of speech, allusion, among others. What would be the aggressive, bitter, disrespectful discourse? How does it materialize in political discourse? Guided by these research questions and based on the theory of French Discourse analysis, we propose the analysis of televised political debates, images that circulated in social networks (Facebook, Blogs), as well as on the official websites of the campaigns, during the pre-election period, with the goal of understanding, currently, the production and circulation of the discourse so-called aggressive in Brazil. / Durante o período pré-eleitoral das eleições presidenciais no pleito de 2014, as notícias e os comentários acerca das campanhas políticas dos candidatos à presidência foram de que nelas se adotaram discursos agressivos, seja nos debates, nas redes sociais, nas campanhas televisivas, ou mesmo nos sites oficiais de campanha. Isso se deu tanto no primeiro turno quanto no segundo, entretanto, em um quadro de disputa mais acirrada pela sucessão presidencial, o período referente ao segundo turno, entre a presidente Dilma Rousseff (PT) e o ex-senador Aécio Neves (PSDB), foi marcado pelo confronto também dito ainda mais agressivo e acalorado. É importante ressaltar que estas notícias e comentários sobre a agressividade da referida campanha são também construções discursivas, apresentam uma impressão que atestam um aumento da agressividade, motivo pelo qual não podemos tomá-las como pressuposto e ponto de partida para análise. Porém, a constante reprodução de discursos que caracterizam a campanha de 2014 como agressiva, já constitui um indício pertinente para análise do que se compreendeu como insulto, agressão. Outras importantes questões que nos impulsionam a olhar para esta campanha é a própria mudança da organização dos debates televisivos – interlocução direta entre os candidatos, posicionados frente a frente - , a intensificação do uso das redes sociais, bem como dos sites oficiais dos candidatos, dentre outros aspectos que favoreceriam um possível aumento da agressividade ou a produção de uma maior visibilidade do dito agressivo. Tendo em vista as particularidades referentes à organização e funcionamento dos médiuns (debates, sites, redes sociais e blogs) nesta campanha, e a emergência de discursos que a caracterizam como agressiva, elegemos como objetivo deste trabalho a análise do discurso dito agressivo, buscando compreender sua formulação e materialização no discurso político, a qual pode se dar pelos recursos da ironia, da seleção temática, do dizer derrisório, do escracho, da gestualidade, do tom de fala, da alusão, dentre outros. O que seria o discurso agressivo, ácido, desrespeitoso? Como ele se materializa no discurso político? Orientados por essas perguntas de pesquisa e pelo arcabouço teórico da Análise do discurso de linha francesa, propomos a análise de fragmentos dos debates políticos televisivos, imagens que circularam nas redes sociais (Facebook, Blogs), bem como nos sites oficiais de campanha, no período pré-eleitoral, tendo o objetivo de compreender como se produz e circula o que, no Brasil, se denomina agressivo no discurso político na atualidade.