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In November 2007 the right of centre Saskatchewan Party defeated Saskatchewan’s social democratic party, which had been in government for seventeen years. Unlike previous defeats, the New Democratic Party’s (NDP) loss in 2007 clearly showed that a new intra-urban political polarization in Saskatoon and Regina had emerged with the outer suburbs abandoning the NDP and the core areas maintaining previous levels of support. This study employs correlation analysis and logistic and linear regression analysis, using survey data from the 2003 and 2007 general election campaigns from Saskatchewan. Urban zones are constructed based on the morphological (urban form) hypothesis in order to create categories for spatial analysis. The different types of urban places are analyzed incorporating survey and Statscan data. Statistically significant differences between the urban zones are discussed in light of possible mechanisms found in the literature in order to explain recent political turns in Saskatchewan.

In November 2007 the right of centre Saskatchewan Party defeated Saskatchewan’s social democratic party, which had been in government for seventeen years. Unlike previous defeats, the New Democratic Party’s (NDP) loss in 2007 clearly showed that a new intra-urban political polarization in Saskatoon and Regina had emerged with the outer suburbs abandoning the NDP and the core areas maintaining previous levels of support. This study employs correlation analysis and logistic and linear regression analysis, using survey data from the 2003 and 2007 general election campaigns from Saskatchewan. Urban zones are constructed based on the morphological (urban form) hypothesis in order to create categories for spatial analysis. The different types of urban places are analyzed incorporating survey and Statscan data. Statistically significant differences between the urban zones are discussed in light of possible mechanisms found in the literature in order to explain recent political turns in Saskatchewan.

In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.

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This thesis presents a spatial analysis of electoral results of the ANO (Alliance of Dissatisfied Citizens) political platform in the 2013 parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic. The study aims to identify spatial patterns of their electoral support and to uncover underlying factors which steered voters towards supporting this party. Furthermore, the thesis attempts to determine whether ANO is a new right-wing party poised to displace previously established right-wing parties (especially ODS); whether its support reached highest levels of support in areas where traditional right-wing parties lost the most votes, and whether significant regional differences exist in voter support for ANO.As explanatory variables, the study uses socio- demographic and economic characteristics reflecting the population structure and the nature of local contexts. Furthermore, the thesis further intends to analyse possible ways through which the pattern of ANO voter support may have been influenced by the activities of the Agrofertagricultural company owned by the platform's leader Andrej Babis. Methodically, the study is grounded in an analysis of aggregate data on electoral results in municipalities, as well as an analysis of sociological surveys of individual voter behaviour. The thesis processed the data via...

Esta dissertação trata do estudo da volatilidade eleitoral nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras no período de 1989 a 2006 na escala dos municípios brasileiros. Foi calculada a volatilidade eleitoral em quatro períodos: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002 e 2002/2006. Os cálculos foram feitos por meio do índice de volatilidade entre blocos de partidos (Bartolini e Mair 1990). A geografia eleitoral da volatilidade eleitoral municipal desses períodos é apresentada através de tabelas e mapas. Os municípios brasileiros são Identificados e classificados em cinco grupos pelo número de vezes em que eles apresentaram taxas altas de volatilidade no período de 1989 a 2006. Por fim é analisada a possível correlação entre essa classificação e algumas variáveis socioeconômicas. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que altas taxas de volatilidade eleitoral durante as eleições presidenciais nos municípios brasileiros estiveram correlacionadas a índices baixos de condição de vida e educacionais. / This dissertation is on the electoral volatility in Brazilian presidential elections between 1989 and 2006 on Brazilian municipalities scale. The electoral volatility of four periods was calculated: 1989/1994, 1994/1998, 1998/2002, and 2002/2006. The calculations were made using the inter-bloc volatility index (Bartolini and Mair, 1990). The electoral geography of municipal electoral volatility is presented through maps and tables. The Brazilian municipalities were identified and classified into five groups according to the incidence of high volatility in the period 1989 to 2006. Finally, there is an analysis of the possible correlation between this classification and some socioeconomic variables. The results indicate that high rates of electoral volatility during presidential elections in Brazilian municipalities were correlated with low rates of education and life condition.

Régulièrement considérés comme le terreau du Front national, les espaces périurbains sont en France passés de la lumière à l’ombre. Voulant dépasser cette labellisation ordinaire et stigmatisante, cette thèse se propose d’étudier dans le détail le vote Front national dans le monde périurbain. À partir de quatre villes situées dans le Pas-de-Calais et les Bouches-du-Rhône et par un travail comparatif sont étudiées les sociologies des électeurs du Front national. À cette étude sociologique s’adjoint la volonté d’expliquer pourquoi certains espaces périurbains semblent créer un vote que certains qualifient de repli. Les différentes méthodes utilisées permettent de montrer que dans les espaces périurbains comme ailleurs, le vote Front national n’est pas une évidence, mais le résultat de trajectoires sociales, résidentielles et idéologiques particulières. Le vote FN présente par ailleurs un visage différent, voire contradictoire, dans le département du Pas-de-Calais ainsi que dans celui des Bouches-du-Rhône, et s’oppose ainsi un électorat populaire septentrional à un électorat plus aisé dans les départements méditerranéens. / Generally considered as a fertile ground for the Front national, the suburbs have moved in France from light to shadow. Wishing to overcome this ordinary and stigmatising labelling, this thesis intends to study in detail the Front national’s vote in the suburban space. This thesis offers to examine the sociology of the FN electorate in four cities located in Pas-de-Calais and Bouches-du-Rhône by a comparative methodology. Within this study is associated the will to explain why some suburbs seem to create a vote which some qualify as inward looking. The various methods we use allow us to show that in suburbs as elsewhere, voting for the Front national is not an obvious fact, but is the result of particular social, residential and ideological trajectories. Moreover, this voting shows a different - if not contradictory - face in the department of Pas-de-Calais than in the Bouches-du-Rhône. Therefore, are opposed a northern popular electorate and a wealthier one in the south.

Chapter 1: The Determinants of the Production of Research by US Universities Chapter 2: Investment in Vocational and General Human Capital: A Theoretical Approach Chapter 3: Urban Migrations and the Labor Market Chapter 4: Local social capital and geographical mobility Chapter 5: Social Supervision and Electoral Stability on the Geographical Scale in Belgium