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<p>The purpose of this thesis is to discuss education as a state tool in Sweden during the 17th and 18th century. The idea is to contrast the pragmatics of the Swedish education system with the theories of Rousseau and Comenius. The thesis is marked by the thought that theory and application diverse because of the subversive infusion in the ideas of the theoretic.</p><p>The results shows that it is ultimately a question of public education and its potential. The state recognises the potential of public education but also its dangers and therefore becomes very active in forming not only the education system as a hole but also its pedagogic. </p>

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The American form of democracy in the first century of United States history was flawed for a variety of reasons, not only due to the existence of legalized slavery, but because there were significantly marginalized demographic segments of the American population, including blacks, women, children and Native Americans. Emancipation resolved, at least by law, one of those flaws. Unfortunately, marginalization of certain populations in our nation continues to keep us from the democratic ideal of equal access to the rights of citizenship for all. This thesis focuses on the crucial role education plays in a thriving society and how the efforts of the first generation of freed slaves to seize the rights of American citizenship, principally through education, began a profound"u2014but not yet fully realized"u2014transformation of our nation into a healthier, more inclusive democracy through universal civic participation. The flames of the Civil War forged the framework of modern America, and an essential component of that framework included an emerging system of public education"u2014a hallmark of a developed society"u2014for blacks and for whites. / 1 / Carol Diane Andersen

<p>This study in sociology is the result of a MFS-project, sponsored by SIDA. The ideal in Argentina, at least for the upper classes, has for a long time been the man as bread-winner, the one who supports the family and the woman as the home-maker, the one who stays at home, taking care of house and children. Working-class women have always been working even though it has not been shown in the statistics. This feminist study in sociology is about what influence Argentinean women in their way towards emancipation but also about patriarchy as their biggest obstacle. The study is based on theories based on that in the world there is a world-order controlled by men. Another important theory is that it is easier for working women to reach emancipation in comparison with house-wives, because working women develop themselves in an economic as well as on a personal level. Additionally I went to the field in the Buenos-Aires area in Argentina during October until November 2000 where I did eleven interviews with Argentinean working mothers. I want to emphasize that as the interviews are eight years old, I have chosen not to integrate them very much through the essay, but instead showing them in a special chapter. I have, therefore, not given the interviews a central role in the essay. Instead, I emphasize the theories in the essay. The method I am using is qualitative method, with deep-interviews, the hermeneutic method and of course comparing theories from other authors. The conclusions I have come up with mean that the post-modern feminism is an important tool to understand the diversity of women and womens´ different conditions around the world. By realising these differences it would become easier to challenge the widespread patriarchy in Argentina. Argentinean women could reach emancipation by labour work and education that contribute to development on an economic and on a personal level. Even doing a voluntary work would contribute to this self-esteem and consciousness that are crucial for women on their way towards emancipation.</p>

This study in sociology is the result of a MFS-project, sponsored by SIDA. The ideal in Argentina, at least for the upper classes, has for a long time been the man as bread-winner, the one who supports the family and the woman as the home-maker, the one who stays at home, taking care of house and children. Working-class women have always been working even though it has not been shown in the statistics. This feminist study in sociology is about what influence Argentinean women in their way towards emancipation but also about patriarchy as their biggest obstacle. The study is based on theories based on that in the world there is a world-order controlled by men. Another important theory is that it is easier for working women to reach emancipation in comparison with house-wives, because working women develop themselves in an economic as well as on a personal level. Additionally I went to the field in the Buenos-Aires area in Argentina during October until November 2000 where I did eleven interviews with Argentinean working mothers. I want to emphasize that as the interviews are eight years old, I have chosen not to integrate them very much through the essay, but instead showing them in a special chapter. I have, therefore, not given the interviews a central role in the essay. Instead, I emphasize the theories in the essay. The method I am using is qualitative method, with deep-interviews, the hermeneutic method and of course comparing theories from other authors. The conclusions I have come up with mean that the post-modern feminism is an important tool to understand the diversity of women and womens´ different conditions around the world. By realising these differences it would become easier to challenge the widespread patriarchy in Argentina. Argentinean women could reach emancipation by labour work and education that contribute to development on an economic and on a personal level. Even doing a voluntary work would contribute to this self-esteem and consciousness that are crucial for women on their way towards emancipation.

The purpose of this thesis is to discuss education as a state tool in Sweden during the 17th and 18th century. The idea is to contrast the pragmatics of the Swedish education system with the theories of Rousseau and Comenius. The thesis is marked by the thought that theory and application diverse because of the subversive infusion in the ideas of the theoretic. The results shows that it is ultimately a question of public education and its potential. The state recognises the potential of public education but also its dangers and therefore becomes very active in forming not only the education system as a hole but also its pedagogic.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1971. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

archives@tulane.edu / 1 / John Bardes

This study argues that the Virginia slavery debate of 1831-32 was an occasion when radical transformations in the nature of the proslavery argument occurred and where changing popular perceptions about the role of government can be seen. Since the Revolution, government in Virginia had been based upon the Lockean concept of the inviolable right of private property and of property's central relationship to government. During the slavery debate, when the initial emancipationist plan, which addressed the slaveholders' property rights, was dismissed as impractical, a more radical antislavery doctrine was proposed that challenged traditional beliefs concerning property and the function of government. This doctrine was the legal concept of eminent domain, the right of the state to take private property for public purposes without the consent of the owner. Arguing that slavery threatened public safety, emancipationists called on the state government to act within its eminent domain powers to confiscate this harmful species of property. In the climate of increased public fear, brought on by the recent slave insurrection in Southampton County, this particular emancipationist argument subverted the traditional necessary evil justification for slavery. Defenders of slavery became impaled upon the horns of a dilemma. If they continued to acknowledge that slavery was evil, then they risked engendering the expansive government powers that the emancipationists advocated. If slavery could no longer be justified as a necessary evil, then upon what grounds must its defense now rest? In the face of this dilemma, defenders abandoned their traditional apologetic justification and instead advanced the idea of slavery as a "positive good." / Master of Arts